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George Floyd death: US police view Americans just like military view people in Afghanistan… as enemies in WAR ZONE

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Whether in Afghanistan, or on the streets of American towns and cities, the conflation of US military and police powers has produced nothing but injustice and brutality for those it was intended to serve and protect.

A recent tweet by President Donald Trump about Afghanistan coincided with a developing story out of Minneapolis, Minnesota regarding the brutal murder of an unarmed black man, George Floyd, by uniformed officers of the Minneapolis Police Department.

Under normal circumstances, any attempt to conflate these two seemingly disparate news items would run afoul of any number of logic traps. But upon closer examination, one finds a common thread that binds them together — the near universal deviation from the dictates of justice when it comes to American-style policing. While the American ideal of policing is built around the notion of “to serve and protect,” in practice, whether implemented within the homeland or abroad as part of some nation-building exercise, it has devolved into little more than “brutalize and oppress.”

“We are acting as a police force,” President Trump tweeted earlier, “not the fighting force that we are, in Afghanistan. After 19 years, it is time for them to police their own Country. Bring our soldiers back home but closely watch what is going on and strike with a thunder like never before, if necessary!”

Trump’s observation reflects the reality, backed up by studies carried out by the special inspector general for Afghanistan reconstruction, that after nearly 19 years of unending US-managed conflict in Afghanistan, the American experiment in post-Taliban nation building has failed.

Trump’s tweet touches on the primary reason for this failure — the tools we brought to bear in Afghanistan were tools of war, not nation building. The US military was, at the time of the initiation of operations in Afghanistan in 2001, the finest fighting force in the world. It was trained and organized to close with and destroy the designated enemy through firepower and maneuver.

It was not, however, intended to operate as a force of occupation, compelled to fight an unwinnable conflict against a recalcitrant population with whom it had nothing in common, and as such possessing absolutely zero foundation upon which to conduct a campaign of nation building disguised as reconstruction. Not only did the US fail in its mission to defeat the Taliban, but it failed to complete any of the major reconstruction milestones it set out for itself in Afghanistan. What it did succeed in doing, however, was to destroy the very land it sought to rebuild and brutalize the very population it was supposed to protect, committing untold horrific crimes in the process.

As a result of these crimes, the International Criminal Court in the Hague will investigate information that members of the US military and intelligence agencies committed acts of torture, cruel treatment, outrages upon personal dignity, rape and sexual violence against conflict-related detainees in Afghanistan and other locations, including so-called “black sites” run by the CIA in Poland, Lithuania and Romania.

The Trump administration, in typical form, has rejected the jurisdiction and legitimacy of the ICC, in effect putting American soldiers and operatives above the law when it comes to their actions in Afghanistan. True, isolated incidents have been prosecuted under the Uniform Code of Military Justice, but the “process crimes” affiliated with the execution of the nation building mission will remain unpunished.

Among the many lessons learned from the ongoing debacle in Afghanistan is that the military does not function well as a policing body. For police to be effective, they have to be at one with the community they serve, sharing the same ideals, values and respect for their surroundings and the people who live there. When US military forces are forcibly inserted into a foreign land and culture, there will inevitably be friction that will turn into conflict. The default mode for the US military is extreme violence, and communities are never well served by such an approach.

The American nation-building experience is often infused with notions of so-called ‘Jeffersonian Democracy’, the halcyon notion of the American ideal born of revolution and liberation from tyranny. But the centerpiece of ‘Jeffersonian Democracy’, the US Declaration of Independence, contains words which, upon self-reflection, should send a shiver down the spine of every US citizen.

“But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government.”

This statement holds true for any oppressed people, whether they reside in Afghanistan or Minneapolis, Minnesota. If the American military is ill-suited for policing work, the converse is equally true — American police are ill-suited for militarization. The juxtaposition of a military mindset with the prerequisite notions of justice and due process required to maintain civil society invariably results in inherent incompatibilities resulting in criminal actions on the part of those ostensibly responsible for policing.

The ICC investigation into US military crimes in Afghanistan is but a mirror image of the dismissal of four Minneapolis police officers and their probable subsequent prosecution by either local or federal authorities (or both) for the murder of George Floyd.

Any investigation of Mr. Floyd’s murder, however, cannot cure the illness of militarization that has seeped into the very culture of American policing today. Police officers often view the neighborhoods they patrol as a war zone, and the citizens residing within as the enemy. American cops dress as if they are going to war, often donning military style uniforms, carrying surplus military weapons, and operating surplus military vehicles. This “us versus them” mentality creates the exact same friction as it did during the occupation of Afghanistan, leading to the same escalation of violence by the militarized police delivered to a population that has been for the most part dehumanized.

The American model of policing is a sickness of pandemic proportions, infecting every corner of American society. Supporters of American police often decry the acts of the so-called “few bad apples” without reflecting on the reality that the entire system is dysfunctional in terms of serving and protecting civil society. While there are no doubt many “good” police officers, they reside within a system that promotes self-protection, the turning of a blind eye to infractions carried out by their fellow officers, and the acceptance of the kinds of racist and misogynist beliefs that the society they claim to protect rejects.

George Floyd was killed by a single Minneapolis police officer who knelt on his neck until he blacked out, never to recover. Three other Minneapolis police officers watched this murder take place without intervening. And had the crime not been captured on film by a civilian bystander, the likelihood of the Minneapolis Police Department sweeping this matter under the rug, assigning full blame to Mr. Floyd while exonerating the officers involved, is high.

The Minneapolis Police Department is not unique in this regard. Indeed, it is the veritable model of how policing is conducted across America every day. Until which time every police department in the US recognizes the illness that has infected it, there can be no cure. And the sad truth is that, just as the US government will never allow the ICC to investigate the crimes of American military members in Afghanistan, the American police establishment will never allow a full and complete investigation into the foundational practices and beliefs that guide American policing today.

Americans today live in a de facto police state that subjects its citizenry to brutality and depravation of civil liberties on a daily basis — even more so if one is black or some other non-white minority.

Unlike Afghanistan, the United States cannot withdraw from its own territory. What can happen, however, is that like any occupied people, the citizenry of America can seek to liberate themselves from the despotism of this American police state, throwing off this mantle of oppression by redefining the relationship between the police and the policed. It may take a revolution at the ballot box to elect a government capable of reining in an out of control police state. That, however, would be a fight worth fighting.

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China is raising its retirement age, now among the youngest in the world’s major economies

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Starting next year, China will raise its retirement age for workers, which is now among the youngest in the world’s major economies, in an effort to address its shrinking population and aging work force.

The Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress, the country’s legislature, passed the new policy Friday after a sudden announcement earlier in the week that it was reviewing the measure, state broadcaster CCTV announced.

The policy change will be carried out over 15 years, with the retirement age for men raised to 63 years, and for women to 55 or 58 years depending on their jobs. The current retirement age is 60 for men and 50 for women in blue-collar jobs and 55 for women doing white-collar work.

“We have more people coming into the retirement age, and so the pension fund is (facing) high pressure. That’s why I think it’s now time to act seriously,” said Xiujian Peng, a senior research fellow at Victoria University in Australia who studies China’s population and its ties to the economy.

The previous retirement ages were set in the 1950’s, when life expectancy was only around 40 years, Peng said.

The policy will be implemented starting in January, according to the announcement from China’s legislature. The change will take effect progressively based on people’s birthdates.

For example, a man born in January 1971 could retire at the age of 61 years and 7 months in August 2032, according to a chart released along with the policy. A man born in May 1971 could retire at the age of 61 years and 8 months in January 2033.

Demographic pressures made the move long overdue, experts say. By the end of 2023, China counted nearly 300 million people over the age of 60. By 2035, that figure is projected to be 400 million, larger than the population of the U.S. The Chinese Academy of Social Sciences had previously projected that the public pension fund will run out of money by that year.

Pressure on social benefits such as pensions and social security is hardly a China-specific problem. The U.S. also faces the issue as analysis shows that currently, the Social Security fund won’t be able to pay out full benefits to people by 2033.

“This is happening everywhere,” said Yanzhong Huang, senior fellow for global health at the Council on Foreign Relations. “But in China with its large elderly population, the challenge is much larger.”

That is on top of fewer births, as younger people opt out of having children, citing high costs. In 2022, China’s National Bureau of Statistics reported that for the first time the country had 850,000 fewer people at the end of the year than the previous year , a turning point from population growth to decline. In 2023, the population shrank further, by 2 million people.

What that means is that the burden of funding elderly people’s pensions will be divided among a smaller group of younger workers, as pension payments are largely funded by deductions from people who are currently working.

Researchers measure that pressure by looking at a number called the dependency ratio, which counts the number of people over the age of 65 compared to the number of workers under 65. That number was 21.8% in 2022, according to government statistics, meaning that roughly five workers would support one retiree. The percentage is expected to rise, meaning fewer workers will be shouldering the burden of one retiree.

The necessary course correction will cause short-term pain, experts say, coming at a time of already high youth unemployment and a soft economy.

A 52-year-old Beijing resident, who gave his family name as Lu and will now retire at age 61 instead of 60, was positive about the change. “I view this as a good thing, because our society’s getting older, and in developed countries, the retirement age is higher,” he said.

Li Bin, 35, who works in the event planning industry, said she was a bit sad.

“It’s three years less of play time. I had originally planned to travel around after retirement,” she said. But she said it was better than expected because the retirement age was only raised three years for women in white-collar jobs.

Some of the comments on social media when the policy review was announced earlier in the week reflected anxiety.

But of the 13,000 comments on the Xinhua news post announcing the news, only a few dozen were visible, suggesting that many others had been censored.

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Russia warns NATO of ‘direct war’ over Ukraine

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Moscow’s envoy to the UN has reiterated where the Kremlin’s red line is

Granting Kiev permission to use Western-supplied long-range weapons would constitute direct involvement in the Ukraine conflict by NATO, Russia’s envoy to the UN, Vassily Nebenzia, has said.

Moscow will treat any such attack as coming from the US and its allies directly, Russian President Vladimir Putin said on Thursday, explaining that long-range weapons rely on Western intelligence and targeting solutions, neither of which Ukraine is capable of.

NATO countries would “start an open war” with Russia if they allow Ukraine to use long-range weapons, Nebenzia told the UN Security Council on Friday.

“If such a decision is made, that means NATO countries are starting an open war against Russia,” Moscow’s envoy said. “In that case, we will obviously be forced to make certain decisions, with all the attendant consequences for Western aggressors.”

Putin issues new warning to NATO

“Our Western colleagues will not be able to dodge responsibility and blame Kiev for everything,” Nebenzia added. “Only NATO troops can program the flight solutions for those missile systems. Ukraine doesn’t have that capability. This is not about allowing Kiev to strike Russia with long-range weapons, but about the West making the targeting decisions.”

Russia considers it irrelevant that Ukrainian nationalists would technically be the ones pulling the trigger, Nebenzia explained. “NATO would become directly involved in military action against a nuclear power. I don’t think I have to explain what consequences that would have,” he said.

The US and its allies placed some restrictions on the use of their weapons, so they could claim not to be directly involved in the conflict with Russia, while arming Ukraine to the tune of $200 billion.

Multiple Western outlets have reported that the limitations might be lifted this week, as US Secretary of State Antony Blinken and British Foreign Secretary David Lammy visited Kiev. Russia has repeatedly warned the West against such a course of action.

 

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China makes its move in Africa. Should the West be worried?

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Beijing maintains a conservative economic agenda in its relations with the continent, while finding it increasingly difficult to avoid a political confrontation with the West

The ninth forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) and the FOCAC summit held in Beijing on September 4-6 marked a significant phase in Africa’s relations with its global partners in the post-Covid era. China is the last major partner to hold a summit with African nations following the end of the pandemic; Africa summits were held by the EU and the US in 2022, and by Russia in 2023. The pandemic, coupled with rising global tensions, macroeconomic shifts, and a series of crises, underlined Africa’s growing role in the global economy and politics – something that China, which has undergone major changes (both internal and external) as a result of the pandemic, is well aware of.

It is clear that the relationship between China and Africa is entering a new phase. China is no longer just a preferential economic partner for Africa, as it had been in the first two decades of the 21st century. It has become a key political and military ally for many African countries. This is evident from China’s increasing role in training African civil servants and sharing expertise with them, as well as from several initiatives announced at the summit, including military-technical cooperation: officer training programs, mine clearing efforts, and over $100 million which China will provide to support the armed forces of African nations.

In the political arena, however, Beijing is proceeding very cautiously and the above-mentioned initiatives should be seen as the first tentative attempts rather than a systematic strategy.

While China strives to avoid political confrontation with the West in Africa and even closely cooperates with it on certain issues, it is becoming increasingly difficult to do so. Washington is determined to pursue a policy of confrontation with Beijing in Africa – this is evident both from US rhetoric and its strategic documents.

Dirty tactics: How the US tries to break China’s soft power in Africa

A “divorce” between China and the West is almost inevitable. This means that Chinese companies may lose contracts with Western corporations and won’t have access to transportation and logistics infrastructure. Consequently, China will need to develop its own comprehensive approach to Africa, either independently or in collaboration with other global power centers.

An important sign of the growing confrontation between the US and China in Africa was the signing of a trilateral memorandum of understanding between China, Tanzania, and Zambia regarding the reconstruction of the Tanzania-Zambia Railway (TAZARA), which was originally built by China in the 1970s. If it is expanded, electrified, and modernized, TAZARA has the potential to become a viable alternative to one of the key US investment projects in the region: the Lobito Corridor, which aims to enhance logistics infrastructure for exporting minerals (copper and cobalt) from the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Zambia by modernizing the railway from the DR Congo to the Angolan port of Lobito.

In inland regions such as Eastern Congo, transportation infrastructure plays a crucial role in the process of mineral extraction. Considering the region’s shortage of rail and road networks, even a single non-electrified railway line leading to a port in the Atlantic or Indian Ocean can significantly boost the operation of the mining sector and permanently tie the extraction and processing regions to specific markets.

It appears that China’s initiative holds greater promise compared to the US one, particularly because Chinese companies control major mines both in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Zambia. This gives them a clear advantage in working with Chinese operators and equipment, facilitating the export of minerals through East African ports. Overall, this indicates that East Africa will maintain its role as the economic leader on the continent and one of the most integrated and rapidly developing regions for imports.

A former colonial European power returns to Africa. What is it after now?

The highlight of the summit was China’s pledge to provide $50 billion to African countries over the next three years (by 2027). This figure echoes the $55 billion commitment to China made by the US (for 3 years) at the 2022 US-Africa Summit and the $170 billion that the EU promised to provide over seven years back in 2021. Consequently, leading global players allocate approximately $15-20 billion annually to Africa.

In recent years, there has been noticeable growth in such promises. Nearly every nation is eager to promise Africa something – for example, Italy has pledged $1 billion annually. However, these large packages of so-called “financial aid” often have little in common with actual assistance, since they are typically commercial loans or corporate investments. Moreover, a significant portion of these funds is spent in the donor countries (e.g. on the procurement and production of goods), which means that they contribute to the economic growth of African nations in a minimal way.

As for China, it will provide about $11 billion in genuine aid. This is a substantial amount which will be used for developing healthcare and agriculture in Africa. Another $30 billion will come in the form of loans (roughly $10 billion per year) and a further $10 billion as investments.

The overall financial framework allows us to make certain conclusions, though it’s important to note that the methodology for calculating these figures is unclear, and the line between loans, humanitarian aid, and investments remains blurred. In terms of investments (averaging around $3 billion per year), Beijing plans to maintain its previous levels of activity – in recent years, China’s foreign direct investments (FDI) have ranged from $2 billion to $5 billion annually. Financial and humanitarian aid could nearly double (from the current $1.5 billion-$2 billion per year) while lending is expected to return to pre-pandemic levels (which would still be below the peak years of 2012-2018).

Can Africa seize control of its own energy?

China’s economic plan for Africa seems to be quite conservative. It’s no surprise that debt issues took center stage during the summit. During the Covid-19 pandemic, macroeconomic stability in African countries deteriorated, which led to challenges in debt repayments and forced Africa to initiate debt restructuring processes assisted by the IMF and the G20. Starting in 2020, a combination of internal and external factors led China to significantly cut its lending to African countries – from about $10-15 billion down to $2-3 billion. This reduction in funding has triggered economic reforms in several African countries (e.g. Ghana, Kenya, and Nigeria), which have shifted toward stricter tax and monetary policies. While promises to increase lending may seem like good news for African nations, it’s likely that much of this funding will go toward interest payments on existing obligations and debt restructuring, since China wants to ensure that its loans are repaid.

Despite China’s cautious approach to Africa, its interaction with the continent will develop as a result of external and internal changes affecting both Africa and China. Africa will gradually become more industrialized and will reduce imports while the demand for investments and local production will increase. China will face demographic challenges, and its workforce will decrease. This may encourage bilateral cooperation as some production facilities may move from China to Africa. This will most likely concern East African countries such as Ethiopia and Tanzania, considering China’s current investments in their energy and transportation infrastructure. Additionally, with Africa’s population on the rise and China’s population declining, Beijing is expected to attract more African migrant workers to help address labor shortages.

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