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Why Indians face breathing toxic air for years to come

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Home to 39 of the world’s 50 most polluted cities, the country’s clean-air ambitions suffer from a funding crunch and policy paralysis

A new report on global air quality illustrates an increasing disparity between residents of richer cities compared to those in the developing and least developed nations over the past year.

The report was published by Switzerland’s IQAir, an air quality technology company specializing in protection against airborne pollutants, developing air quality monitoring, and air cleaning products. The annual survey used 30,000 ground level sensors in more than 7,000 cities in over 130 countries around the world. The researchers measured the concentration of fine particulate matter with diameters of up to 2.5 microns, known as PM2.5, which is considered to be one of the most hazardous pollutants as it may be able to enter the bloodstream. To compile the rankings in the report, the data was averaged over the year and weighted by country or city population.

India’s New Delhi and Iraq’s Baghdad were among the top three most-polluted capital cities, where pollutants were considered to be around 18 times higher than the World Health Organization’s (WHO) recommendations. N’Djamena, the capital of the landlocked African nation of Chad and one of the poorest countries in the world, was the most polluted, taking the dubious distinction over New Delhi, which had held it for many years prior. The report attributed massive dust storms from the Sahara Desert as the primary cause for the surge in PM2.5 concentrations in the city.

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Indians breathe toxic air

Alarmingly, 39 of the world’s 50 most polluted cities are in India, which ranked eighth on the list after Chad, Iraq, Pakistan, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Burkina Faso and Kuwait.

One of the indicative ratings IQAir uses is the Air Quality Index (AQI) – a method used by government agencies to measure and forecast local levels of air pollution. The IQAir website provides real-time trackers of AQI in numerous cities, with multiple locales in India consistently showing an AQI of over 160. Anything above 150 is considered “unhealthy” under widely-accepted benchmarks.

India’s own criteria are abysmally low in comparison. The Indian System of Air Quality and Weather Forecasting and Research (SAFAR), which measures the country’s air pollution level for the Federal Ministry of Earth Sciences, considers any AQI reading between 101 and 200 as moderate, which runs contrary to global standards.

The IQAir report laid bare India’s growing pollution woes. As in 2021, 12 of the 15 most polluted cities in Central and South Asia were in India. Bhiwadi in the northern state of Haryana was the most polluted city in the country. To make matters worse, 60% of cities in India included in the report recorded toxic air levels that were over seven times higher than WHO norms.

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Asia’s other big polluters

Vietnam’s capital Hanoi reported the second worst air quality among Southeast Asian capitals and was ranked 18th globally. The worsening of air quality in Hanoi was attributed to unplanned industrial expansion in the country, which is one of the fastest growing economies in the region. Vietnam’s 8.02% growth last year reflects the moves made by several multinational companies to shift their Asian base from economic powerhouse, China.

From Middle Eastern countries, which are known to produce massive amounts of greenhouse gasses, several cities also figure in the annual list. Abu Dhabi, Riyadh and Doha – the capitals of the UAE, Saudi Arabia and Qatar, respectively – reported a significant dip in their air quality last year and were ranked among the 20 most polluted capitals globally.

Wealth inequality is in the air

An estimated 99% of the world’s population is facing health hazards for breathing poor quality air, according to WHO estimates. However, as evidenced by charts in the IQAir report, wealthier, developed nations suffer from this trend to a lesser extent, as they are complying with stricter WHO norms and increasingly employ renewables and clean energy. The only places that make the grade for WHO’s clean air norms tend to be those with sparse population, low per capita industrialization and ready access to renewable energy such as wind and solar. These include Australia, New Zealand, Estonia, and Finland, as well as overseas territories such as the US Guam, the UK’s Bermuda and French Polynesia.

WHO data suggests that poor air quality leads to seven million preventable deaths a year, while the World Bank cites the economic cost at $8 trillion, more than 6.1% of the global annual Gross Domestic Product (GDP).

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China’s impressive turnaround

China has been the biggest success story when it comes to turning around air pollution. In the past seven years, Asia’s biggest economy consistently cracked down on polluting industries with a sustained focus on renewable energy and electric vehicles. The Covid-19 lockdowns also led to less economic activity, in turn, reducing air pollution.

“In 2023, it remains to be seen if China can further reduce air pollution, or if the pressure of increased economic activity leads to stagnation or an increase in air pollution,” IQAir CEO Frank Hammes said.
Is India a basket case?

India is grappling with unprecedented pollution woes because of toxic emissions from its coal-fired thermal power plants, vehicular pollution, industrial emissions and burning of wood and dirty fuels for cooking and heating. The latter two are signature ills of a developing nation. According to various estimates, over a million deaths in India can be attributed to air pollution every year, including attendant health hazards such as respiratory and cardiovascular diseases.

The Indian government, under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, is acutely conscious of the alarming negative effects of air pollution. In January 2019, the National Clean Air Programme (NCAP) was launched as a flagship program for better air quality in 122 (later expanded to 131) cities across the country. It evaluates the scientific, legislative, financial, and institutional framework of the 102 publicly available clean air action plans submitted under the NCAP. Its initial major goal was reducing the concentration of PM2.5 in those cities by at least 20% by 2024.

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Though the program aims at expanding the national air quality monitoring network, the biggest deterrents are a lack of public awareness and credible data due to several technical and logistical challenges. The government has also failed to take punitive action against polluting industries coupled with a scarcity of funds.

The allocation of $91.17 million – a 64% spike from last year – for the NCAP in this year’s federal budget appears to be a case of too little, too late, as its net zero greenhouse gas emission target by 2070 is far behind that of several other countries.

India is in dire need of massive technological investments and capacity building, which are conspicuous by their absence. Additionally, the Indian government is yet to demonstrate resolute political will to make the NCAP a priority.

Last year, the NCAP target for particulate matter concentration in its subject cities was revised down by 40% and the deadline extended till 2025-26. But even that is nowhere near enough. Anumita Roychowdhury, Executive Director of Research and Advocacy at the Centre for Science and Environment, a New Delhi-based not-for-profit organization, rightly pointed out:

“It was a misnomer to differentiate between NCAP cities and non-NCAP cities. When we analyze data for all cities for which air quality data is available, in fact we don’t have data for many cities in India today. We find that there is very little difference in pollution levels between NCAP and non-NCAP cities which actually brings out the fact that air pollution is a national crisis and we need to take a much wider view of this problem. What we have also found is that, if you compare the NCAP and non-NCAP cities then the levels that they have, nearly both of them, especially northern India, requires a reduction target of about 50% or more to be able to meet air quality standards.”

On the fourth anniversary of the NCAP, a report was released, which showed that most of the cities lagged behind their targets. Only 49 of the 131 cities were found to have improved their air quality, and of those, only 38 met their 2022 pollution reduction goals. In others, the situation only got worse.

Indian experts have consistently pointed to the China model as an example to follow. However, the comparisons are hardly appropriate, as India’s anti-pollution budget is orders of magnitude smaller than China’s. For example, an astounding $120 billion was allocated to fight pollution in the Beijing area in 2018 alone. Additionally, India’s democratic values and misplaced priorities lack the single-minded dedication of the single-party Communist regime of China. Beijing started looking at the crisis in 2012 and rolled out a five-year plan and a target of reducing pollution by 25%. Conversely, India lacks both “top-down policy and bottom-up preparedness” and suffers from a widening gap between targets and achievements. On balance, India is a far way off from finding sustainable solutions to reduce the burden and to leave behind a cleaner and safer planet.

The statements, views and opinions expressed in this column are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of TSFT.

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China is raising its retirement age, now among the youngest in the world’s major economies

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Starting next year, China will raise its retirement age for workers, which is now among the youngest in the world’s major economies, in an effort to address its shrinking population and aging work force.

The Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress, the country’s legislature, passed the new policy Friday after a sudden announcement earlier in the week that it was reviewing the measure, state broadcaster CCTV announced.

The policy change will be carried out over 15 years, with the retirement age for men raised to 63 years, and for women to 55 or 58 years depending on their jobs. The current retirement age is 60 for men and 50 for women in blue-collar jobs and 55 for women doing white-collar work.

“We have more people coming into the retirement age, and so the pension fund is (facing) high pressure. That’s why I think it’s now time to act seriously,” said Xiujian Peng, a senior research fellow at Victoria University in Australia who studies China’s population and its ties to the economy.

The previous retirement ages were set in the 1950’s, when life expectancy was only around 40 years, Peng said.

The policy will be implemented starting in January, according to the announcement from China’s legislature. The change will take effect progressively based on people’s birthdates.

For example, a man born in January 1971 could retire at the age of 61 years and 7 months in August 2032, according to a chart released along with the policy. A man born in May 1971 could retire at the age of 61 years and 8 months in January 2033.

Demographic pressures made the move long overdue, experts say. By the end of 2023, China counted nearly 300 million people over the age of 60. By 2035, that figure is projected to be 400 million, larger than the population of the U.S. The Chinese Academy of Social Sciences had previously projected that the public pension fund will run out of money by that year.

Pressure on social benefits such as pensions and social security is hardly a China-specific problem. The U.S. also faces the issue as analysis shows that currently, the Social Security fund won’t be able to pay out full benefits to people by 2033.

“This is happening everywhere,” said Yanzhong Huang, senior fellow for global health at the Council on Foreign Relations. “But in China with its large elderly population, the challenge is much larger.”

That is on top of fewer births, as younger people opt out of having children, citing high costs. In 2022, China’s National Bureau of Statistics reported that for the first time the country had 850,000 fewer people at the end of the year than the previous year , a turning point from population growth to decline. In 2023, the population shrank further, by 2 million people.

What that means is that the burden of funding elderly people’s pensions will be divided among a smaller group of younger workers, as pension payments are largely funded by deductions from people who are currently working.

Researchers measure that pressure by looking at a number called the dependency ratio, which counts the number of people over the age of 65 compared to the number of workers under 65. That number was 21.8% in 2022, according to government statistics, meaning that roughly five workers would support one retiree. The percentage is expected to rise, meaning fewer workers will be shouldering the burden of one retiree.

The necessary course correction will cause short-term pain, experts say, coming at a time of already high youth unemployment and a soft economy.

A 52-year-old Beijing resident, who gave his family name as Lu and will now retire at age 61 instead of 60, was positive about the change. “I view this as a good thing, because our society’s getting older, and in developed countries, the retirement age is higher,” he said.

Li Bin, 35, who works in the event planning industry, said she was a bit sad.

“It’s three years less of play time. I had originally planned to travel around after retirement,” she said. But she said it was better than expected because the retirement age was only raised three years for women in white-collar jobs.

Some of the comments on social media when the policy review was announced earlier in the week reflected anxiety.

But of the 13,000 comments on the Xinhua news post announcing the news, only a few dozen were visible, suggesting that many others had been censored.

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Russia warns NATO of ‘direct war’ over Ukraine

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Moscow’s envoy to the UN has reiterated where the Kremlin’s red line is

Granting Kiev permission to use Western-supplied long-range weapons would constitute direct involvement in the Ukraine conflict by NATO, Russia’s envoy to the UN, Vassily Nebenzia, has said.

Moscow will treat any such attack as coming from the US and its allies directly, Russian President Vladimir Putin said on Thursday, explaining that long-range weapons rely on Western intelligence and targeting solutions, neither of which Ukraine is capable of.

NATO countries would “start an open war” with Russia if they allow Ukraine to use long-range weapons, Nebenzia told the UN Security Council on Friday.

“If such a decision is made, that means NATO countries are starting an open war against Russia,” Moscow’s envoy said. “In that case, we will obviously be forced to make certain decisions, with all the attendant consequences for Western aggressors.”

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“Our Western colleagues will not be able to dodge responsibility and blame Kiev for everything,” Nebenzia added. “Only NATO troops can program the flight solutions for those missile systems. Ukraine doesn’t have that capability. This is not about allowing Kiev to strike Russia with long-range weapons, but about the West making the targeting decisions.”

Russia considers it irrelevant that Ukrainian nationalists would technically be the ones pulling the trigger, Nebenzia explained. “NATO would become directly involved in military action against a nuclear power. I don’t think I have to explain what consequences that would have,” he said.

The US and its allies placed some restrictions on the use of their weapons, so they could claim not to be directly involved in the conflict with Russia, while arming Ukraine to the tune of $200 billion.

Multiple Western outlets have reported that the limitations might be lifted this week, as US Secretary of State Antony Blinken and British Foreign Secretary David Lammy visited Kiev. Russia has repeatedly warned the West against such a course of action.

 

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China makes its move in Africa. Should the West be worried?

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Beijing maintains a conservative economic agenda in its relations with the continent, while finding it increasingly difficult to avoid a political confrontation with the West

The ninth forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) and the FOCAC summit held in Beijing on September 4-6 marked a significant phase in Africa’s relations with its global partners in the post-Covid era. China is the last major partner to hold a summit with African nations following the end of the pandemic; Africa summits were held by the EU and the US in 2022, and by Russia in 2023. The pandemic, coupled with rising global tensions, macroeconomic shifts, and a series of crises, underlined Africa’s growing role in the global economy and politics – something that China, which has undergone major changes (both internal and external) as a result of the pandemic, is well aware of.

It is clear that the relationship between China and Africa is entering a new phase. China is no longer just a preferential economic partner for Africa, as it had been in the first two decades of the 21st century. It has become a key political and military ally for many African countries. This is evident from China’s increasing role in training African civil servants and sharing expertise with them, as well as from several initiatives announced at the summit, including military-technical cooperation: officer training programs, mine clearing efforts, and over $100 million which China will provide to support the armed forces of African nations.

In the political arena, however, Beijing is proceeding very cautiously and the above-mentioned initiatives should be seen as the first tentative attempts rather than a systematic strategy.

While China strives to avoid political confrontation with the West in Africa and even closely cooperates with it on certain issues, it is becoming increasingly difficult to do so. Washington is determined to pursue a policy of confrontation with Beijing in Africa – this is evident both from US rhetoric and its strategic documents.

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A “divorce” between China and the West is almost inevitable. This means that Chinese companies may lose contracts with Western corporations and won’t have access to transportation and logistics infrastructure. Consequently, China will need to develop its own comprehensive approach to Africa, either independently or in collaboration with other global power centers.

An important sign of the growing confrontation between the US and China in Africa was the signing of a trilateral memorandum of understanding between China, Tanzania, and Zambia regarding the reconstruction of the Tanzania-Zambia Railway (TAZARA), which was originally built by China in the 1970s. If it is expanded, electrified, and modernized, TAZARA has the potential to become a viable alternative to one of the key US investment projects in the region: the Lobito Corridor, which aims to enhance logistics infrastructure for exporting minerals (copper and cobalt) from the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Zambia by modernizing the railway from the DR Congo to the Angolan port of Lobito.

In inland regions such as Eastern Congo, transportation infrastructure plays a crucial role in the process of mineral extraction. Considering the region’s shortage of rail and road networks, even a single non-electrified railway line leading to a port in the Atlantic or Indian Ocean can significantly boost the operation of the mining sector and permanently tie the extraction and processing regions to specific markets.

It appears that China’s initiative holds greater promise compared to the US one, particularly because Chinese companies control major mines both in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Zambia. This gives them a clear advantage in working with Chinese operators and equipment, facilitating the export of minerals through East African ports. Overall, this indicates that East Africa will maintain its role as the economic leader on the continent and one of the most integrated and rapidly developing regions for imports.

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The highlight of the summit was China’s pledge to provide $50 billion to African countries over the next three years (by 2027). This figure echoes the $55 billion commitment to China made by the US (for 3 years) at the 2022 US-Africa Summit and the $170 billion that the EU promised to provide over seven years back in 2021. Consequently, leading global players allocate approximately $15-20 billion annually to Africa.

In recent years, there has been noticeable growth in such promises. Nearly every nation is eager to promise Africa something – for example, Italy has pledged $1 billion annually. However, these large packages of so-called “financial aid” often have little in common with actual assistance, since they are typically commercial loans or corporate investments. Moreover, a significant portion of these funds is spent in the donor countries (e.g. on the procurement and production of goods), which means that they contribute to the economic growth of African nations in a minimal way.

As for China, it will provide about $11 billion in genuine aid. This is a substantial amount which will be used for developing healthcare and agriculture in Africa. Another $30 billion will come in the form of loans (roughly $10 billion per year) and a further $10 billion as investments.

The overall financial framework allows us to make certain conclusions, though it’s important to note that the methodology for calculating these figures is unclear, and the line between loans, humanitarian aid, and investments remains blurred. In terms of investments (averaging around $3 billion per year), Beijing plans to maintain its previous levels of activity – in recent years, China’s foreign direct investments (FDI) have ranged from $2 billion to $5 billion annually. Financial and humanitarian aid could nearly double (from the current $1.5 billion-$2 billion per year) while lending is expected to return to pre-pandemic levels (which would still be below the peak years of 2012-2018).

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China’s economic plan for Africa seems to be quite conservative. It’s no surprise that debt issues took center stage during the summit. During the Covid-19 pandemic, macroeconomic stability in African countries deteriorated, which led to challenges in debt repayments and forced Africa to initiate debt restructuring processes assisted by the IMF and the G20. Starting in 2020, a combination of internal and external factors led China to significantly cut its lending to African countries – from about $10-15 billion down to $2-3 billion. This reduction in funding has triggered economic reforms in several African countries (e.g. Ghana, Kenya, and Nigeria), which have shifted toward stricter tax and monetary policies. While promises to increase lending may seem like good news for African nations, it’s likely that much of this funding will go toward interest payments on existing obligations and debt restructuring, since China wants to ensure that its loans are repaid.

Despite China’s cautious approach to Africa, its interaction with the continent will develop as a result of external and internal changes affecting both Africa and China. Africa will gradually become more industrialized and will reduce imports while the demand for investments and local production will increase. China will face demographic challenges, and its workforce will decrease. This may encourage bilateral cooperation as some production facilities may move from China to Africa. This will most likely concern East African countries such as Ethiopia and Tanzania, considering China’s current investments in their energy and transportation infrastructure. Additionally, with Africa’s population on the rise and China’s population declining, Beijing is expected to attract more African migrant workers to help address labor shortages.

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