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Russia is a European country, but the West’s hybrid war has forced it to turn to Asia

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Russia is a fundamental part of the old continent, but politics and economics mean its future lies with Asia

For Russia, with its unique geopolitical position, it is fundamentally difficult to determine the geographical priorities of its external relations. All the more so because the country’s enormous natural wealth and ability to fully support itself with resources make it unnecessary in principle to consider external relations as a vitally important part of its own development strategy.

There is no dispute that all of Moscow’s foreign policy declarations over the last two decades have contained a ritual indication that the goal of foreign policy is to ensure the country’s economic development. However, in practice, the foundations on which the Russian state structure stands mean the sincerity of these assurances should be taken with a pinch of salt.

In reality, Russia – like its main geostrategic adversary the US – is one of only two countries in the world that can survive, at least in the basic senses, by relying entirely on its domestic resources.

Despite assurances about the importance of foreign economic relations, Moscow sets the true priorities of its foreign policy based not on which opportunities the external environment can provide, but rather on the dangers it can pose to its ability to manage this bounty.

The result is a foreign policy oriented towards repelling threats in the first instance, and seizing opportunities in the second. And it has to be admitted that it is this insurmountable problem that has confronted many of Russia’s diplomatic undertakings throughout recent years, foremost among which is the pivot to the East, a strategy formulated a decade ago by domestic thinkers and backed up by statements at the highest level.

The purely materialistic nature of this policy initially had great difficulty interacting with the Russian foreign policy tradition and, more importantly, the system of prioritisation. Attempts to convince elites of the need to intensify relations with Asian countries on the basis that this would bring substantial material benefits, faced an objective obstacle – there was no need to try hard in the western direction. This was because material benefits from there came easily, by comparison, relying on the links established over hundreds of years with other major European players. As a result, as of 2019, about 80% of investments in Russia’s Far East were of domestic origin. This region, which is larger than the European Union, has only about 7 million people and is politically centred on the cities of Vladivostok and Khabarovsk.

Perhaps because of its economic limitations, the eastward pivot strategy in concrete terms has not progressed beyond establishing truly strong ties with China, with which Russia has now begun to address the really crucial issues of the international order. In all other respects the Eastern pivot has remained an important rhetorical but weakly realised field for the Russian state. Over the past ten years, however, Moscow has significantly expanded its presence in various Asian international formats, increased its level of participation in various intergovernmental forums, and begun to think more about the East and understand its place in its own foreign policy system.

In turn, ties with China are also difficult to see solely as a product of intensified interactions on the Asian front in the last ten years. The relationship between Moscow and Beijing is strategic in nature, with a shared vision of a more equitable international order that is not dominated by a narrow group of states.

Also, Russia and China share responsibility for the stability of a vast part of Eurasia. Bilateral trade and economic relations are developing with the understanding that at some point the two states will indeed have to jointly oppose attempts by the US and its allies to regain control of the global economy and politics.

While acknowledging that this is the closest interpretation of the nature, content and results of Russia’s turn to the East, we cannot ignore the potential impact on policy of the ongoing political and military conflict in Europe. Moreover, since its first weeks, most observers have argued that a de facto break with the West would inevitably lead to a strengthening of Russia’s ties with non-Western states, of which the Asian countries are the most important in terms of economy and development.

Against the backdrop of massive economic warfare measures launched against Moscow by Western countries in 2022, it is Asia that has emerged as the most important buyer of traditional Russian exports, a source of technological products and a priority trade and economic partner. Many have even said that developing ties with China and the rest of Asia should “replace” Russia’s traditional partnerships in the West.

In other words, the conflict – in fact, hybrid warfare – between Russia and the US along with its European allies, could be seen as a condition that would make the pivot to the East no longer a choice but a necessity, forcing Moscow to take it truly seriously. This is a rather new situation and discussion for Russia, as it has never in its history had to address the dependence of internal sustainability on interaction with one or another of its external partners. The extent to which this is actually the case remains to be seen. But several assumptions can already be made that are directly related to the significance of Russia’s relations with Asia in the coming years.

First, relations with China and (especially) other Asian states are not the way to solve existential problems, even taking into account that cooperation with partners outside Europe in the field of energy will be an important factor in the future sustainability of Russian budget revenues, and maintaining Russia’s presence in the global economy, from which the US and its allies are trying to exclude it.

This is all the more likely given that countries such as Japan and South Korea are much less likely to be pressured by the US not to trade with Russia, compared to their European equivalents. Given the growing confrontation with China, it is not in Washington’s interest to weaken its Asian allies or to make them too dependent on American aid.

Secondly, the key tasks of national development will have to be solved by Russia itself, without the kind of reliance on external sources of technology we have seen previously, let alone finance. The coming era will require a much greater degree of de facto sovereignty and, in a sense, a capacity for limited autarky. For all the importance of links outside the West, therefore, Russia cannot consider simply reorienting itself from one direction to another while retaining its historically established strategy of dependence on external sources of development.

To give an example, it will have to start building its own long-haul aircraft again, instead of relying on finished products from Boeing and Airbus.

Thirdly, it should be taken into account that even the most active ties in Asia cannot supplant relations with the states of the Islamic world, neighbouring countries and even within Europe, where also not everyone is determined to erect walls on its eastern border.

Russia’s geopolitical position cannot be changed by a single military-political conflict in one direction. Not to mention that from a historical and cultural point of view, it will always be difficult for Russia to build engagement in Asia similar in scale and spirit to that in the South and the West.

To summarise, in the current context, relations with Asian countries are becoming a necessity rather than a choice. However, this doesn’t mean choosing a complete change in the most important aspects of national foreign and foreign economic policy. Rather, it has an important tactical value and, with due diligence on our part, could further lead to a more significant Russian presence in world affairs, the centre of which is increasingly shifting to the east.

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China is raising its retirement age, now among the youngest in the world’s major economies

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Starting next year, China will raise its retirement age for workers, which is now among the youngest in the world’s major economies, in an effort to address its shrinking population and aging work force.

The Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress, the country’s legislature, passed the new policy Friday after a sudden announcement earlier in the week that it was reviewing the measure, state broadcaster CCTV announced.

The policy change will be carried out over 15 years, with the retirement age for men raised to 63 years, and for women to 55 or 58 years depending on their jobs. The current retirement age is 60 for men and 50 for women in blue-collar jobs and 55 for women doing white-collar work.

“We have more people coming into the retirement age, and so the pension fund is (facing) high pressure. That’s why I think it’s now time to act seriously,” said Xiujian Peng, a senior research fellow at Victoria University in Australia who studies China’s population and its ties to the economy.

The previous retirement ages were set in the 1950’s, when life expectancy was only around 40 years, Peng said.

The policy will be implemented starting in January, according to the announcement from China’s legislature. The change will take effect progressively based on people’s birthdates.

For example, a man born in January 1971 could retire at the age of 61 years and 7 months in August 2032, according to a chart released along with the policy. A man born in May 1971 could retire at the age of 61 years and 8 months in January 2033.

Demographic pressures made the move long overdue, experts say. By the end of 2023, China counted nearly 300 million people over the age of 60. By 2035, that figure is projected to be 400 million, larger than the population of the U.S. The Chinese Academy of Social Sciences had previously projected that the public pension fund will run out of money by that year.

Pressure on social benefits such as pensions and social security is hardly a China-specific problem. The U.S. also faces the issue as analysis shows that currently, the Social Security fund won’t be able to pay out full benefits to people by 2033.

“This is happening everywhere,” said Yanzhong Huang, senior fellow for global health at the Council on Foreign Relations. “But in China with its large elderly population, the challenge is much larger.”

That is on top of fewer births, as younger people opt out of having children, citing high costs. In 2022, China’s National Bureau of Statistics reported that for the first time the country had 850,000 fewer people at the end of the year than the previous year , a turning point from population growth to decline. In 2023, the population shrank further, by 2 million people.

What that means is that the burden of funding elderly people’s pensions will be divided among a smaller group of younger workers, as pension payments are largely funded by deductions from people who are currently working.

Researchers measure that pressure by looking at a number called the dependency ratio, which counts the number of people over the age of 65 compared to the number of workers under 65. That number was 21.8% in 2022, according to government statistics, meaning that roughly five workers would support one retiree. The percentage is expected to rise, meaning fewer workers will be shouldering the burden of one retiree.

The necessary course correction will cause short-term pain, experts say, coming at a time of already high youth unemployment and a soft economy.

A 52-year-old Beijing resident, who gave his family name as Lu and will now retire at age 61 instead of 60, was positive about the change. “I view this as a good thing, because our society’s getting older, and in developed countries, the retirement age is higher,” he said.

Li Bin, 35, who works in the event planning industry, said she was a bit sad.

“It’s three years less of play time. I had originally planned to travel around after retirement,” she said. But she said it was better than expected because the retirement age was only raised three years for women in white-collar jobs.

Some of the comments on social media when the policy review was announced earlier in the week reflected anxiety.

But of the 13,000 comments on the Xinhua news post announcing the news, only a few dozen were visible, suggesting that many others had been censored.

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Russia warns NATO of ‘direct war’ over Ukraine

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Moscow’s envoy to the UN has reiterated where the Kremlin’s red line is

Granting Kiev permission to use Western-supplied long-range weapons would constitute direct involvement in the Ukraine conflict by NATO, Russia’s envoy to the UN, Vassily Nebenzia, has said.

Moscow will treat any such attack as coming from the US and its allies directly, Russian President Vladimir Putin said on Thursday, explaining that long-range weapons rely on Western intelligence and targeting solutions, neither of which Ukraine is capable of.

NATO countries would “start an open war” with Russia if they allow Ukraine to use long-range weapons, Nebenzia told the UN Security Council on Friday.

“If such a decision is made, that means NATO countries are starting an open war against Russia,” Moscow’s envoy said. “In that case, we will obviously be forced to make certain decisions, with all the attendant consequences for Western aggressors.”

Putin issues new warning to NATO

“Our Western colleagues will not be able to dodge responsibility and blame Kiev for everything,” Nebenzia added. “Only NATO troops can program the flight solutions for those missile systems. Ukraine doesn’t have that capability. This is not about allowing Kiev to strike Russia with long-range weapons, but about the West making the targeting decisions.”

Russia considers it irrelevant that Ukrainian nationalists would technically be the ones pulling the trigger, Nebenzia explained. “NATO would become directly involved in military action against a nuclear power. I don’t think I have to explain what consequences that would have,” he said.

The US and its allies placed some restrictions on the use of their weapons, so they could claim not to be directly involved in the conflict with Russia, while arming Ukraine to the tune of $200 billion.

Multiple Western outlets have reported that the limitations might be lifted this week, as US Secretary of State Antony Blinken and British Foreign Secretary David Lammy visited Kiev. Russia has repeatedly warned the West against such a course of action.

 

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China makes its move in Africa. Should the West be worried?

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Beijing maintains a conservative economic agenda in its relations with the continent, while finding it increasingly difficult to avoid a political confrontation with the West

The ninth forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) and the FOCAC summit held in Beijing on September 4-6 marked a significant phase in Africa’s relations with its global partners in the post-Covid era. China is the last major partner to hold a summit with African nations following the end of the pandemic; Africa summits were held by the EU and the US in 2022, and by Russia in 2023. The pandemic, coupled with rising global tensions, macroeconomic shifts, and a series of crises, underlined Africa’s growing role in the global economy and politics – something that China, which has undergone major changes (both internal and external) as a result of the pandemic, is well aware of.

It is clear that the relationship between China and Africa is entering a new phase. China is no longer just a preferential economic partner for Africa, as it had been in the first two decades of the 21st century. It has become a key political and military ally for many African countries. This is evident from China’s increasing role in training African civil servants and sharing expertise with them, as well as from several initiatives announced at the summit, including military-technical cooperation: officer training programs, mine clearing efforts, and over $100 million which China will provide to support the armed forces of African nations.

In the political arena, however, Beijing is proceeding very cautiously and the above-mentioned initiatives should be seen as the first tentative attempts rather than a systematic strategy.

While China strives to avoid political confrontation with the West in Africa and even closely cooperates with it on certain issues, it is becoming increasingly difficult to do so. Washington is determined to pursue a policy of confrontation with Beijing in Africa – this is evident both from US rhetoric and its strategic documents.

Dirty tactics: How the US tries to break China’s soft power in Africa

A “divorce” between China and the West is almost inevitable. This means that Chinese companies may lose contracts with Western corporations and won’t have access to transportation and logistics infrastructure. Consequently, China will need to develop its own comprehensive approach to Africa, either independently or in collaboration with other global power centers.

An important sign of the growing confrontation between the US and China in Africa was the signing of a trilateral memorandum of understanding between China, Tanzania, and Zambia regarding the reconstruction of the Tanzania-Zambia Railway (TAZARA), which was originally built by China in the 1970s. If it is expanded, electrified, and modernized, TAZARA has the potential to become a viable alternative to one of the key US investment projects in the region: the Lobito Corridor, which aims to enhance logistics infrastructure for exporting minerals (copper and cobalt) from the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Zambia by modernizing the railway from the DR Congo to the Angolan port of Lobito.

In inland regions such as Eastern Congo, transportation infrastructure plays a crucial role in the process of mineral extraction. Considering the region’s shortage of rail and road networks, even a single non-electrified railway line leading to a port in the Atlantic or Indian Ocean can significantly boost the operation of the mining sector and permanently tie the extraction and processing regions to specific markets.

It appears that China’s initiative holds greater promise compared to the US one, particularly because Chinese companies control major mines both in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Zambia. This gives them a clear advantage in working with Chinese operators and equipment, facilitating the export of minerals through East African ports. Overall, this indicates that East Africa will maintain its role as the economic leader on the continent and one of the most integrated and rapidly developing regions for imports.

A former colonial European power returns to Africa. What is it after now?

The highlight of the summit was China’s pledge to provide $50 billion to African countries over the next three years (by 2027). This figure echoes the $55 billion commitment to China made by the US (for 3 years) at the 2022 US-Africa Summit and the $170 billion that the EU promised to provide over seven years back in 2021. Consequently, leading global players allocate approximately $15-20 billion annually to Africa.

In recent years, there has been noticeable growth in such promises. Nearly every nation is eager to promise Africa something – for example, Italy has pledged $1 billion annually. However, these large packages of so-called “financial aid” often have little in common with actual assistance, since they are typically commercial loans or corporate investments. Moreover, a significant portion of these funds is spent in the donor countries (e.g. on the procurement and production of goods), which means that they contribute to the economic growth of African nations in a minimal way.

As for China, it will provide about $11 billion in genuine aid. This is a substantial amount which will be used for developing healthcare and agriculture in Africa. Another $30 billion will come in the form of loans (roughly $10 billion per year) and a further $10 billion as investments.

The overall financial framework allows us to make certain conclusions, though it’s important to note that the methodology for calculating these figures is unclear, and the line between loans, humanitarian aid, and investments remains blurred. In terms of investments (averaging around $3 billion per year), Beijing plans to maintain its previous levels of activity – in recent years, China’s foreign direct investments (FDI) have ranged from $2 billion to $5 billion annually. Financial and humanitarian aid could nearly double (from the current $1.5 billion-$2 billion per year) while lending is expected to return to pre-pandemic levels (which would still be below the peak years of 2012-2018).

Can Africa seize control of its own energy?

China’s economic plan for Africa seems to be quite conservative. It’s no surprise that debt issues took center stage during the summit. During the Covid-19 pandemic, macroeconomic stability in African countries deteriorated, which led to challenges in debt repayments and forced Africa to initiate debt restructuring processes assisted by the IMF and the G20. Starting in 2020, a combination of internal and external factors led China to significantly cut its lending to African countries – from about $10-15 billion down to $2-3 billion. This reduction in funding has triggered economic reforms in several African countries (e.g. Ghana, Kenya, and Nigeria), which have shifted toward stricter tax and monetary policies. While promises to increase lending may seem like good news for African nations, it’s likely that much of this funding will go toward interest payments on existing obligations and debt restructuring, since China wants to ensure that its loans are repaid.

Despite China’s cautious approach to Africa, its interaction with the continent will develop as a result of external and internal changes affecting both Africa and China. Africa will gradually become more industrialized and will reduce imports while the demand for investments and local production will increase. China will face demographic challenges, and its workforce will decrease. This may encourage bilateral cooperation as some production facilities may move from China to Africa. This will most likely concern East African countries such as Ethiopia and Tanzania, considering China’s current investments in their energy and transportation infrastructure. Additionally, with Africa’s population on the rise and China’s population declining, Beijing is expected to attract more African migrant workers to help address labor shortages.

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