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Satellite Photos Show That China Is on a New Warpath

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In 1962, a spy in the old USSR provided Great Britain’s intelligence service information that the Soviet Union was placing nuclear-armed missiles in Cuba. This intelligence included photographs of the planned installations. Britain passed that information on to the United States, which used U-2 spy planes to search for evidence of this collaboration. This scouting mission revealed that the missiles were in Cuba. President John F. Kennedy announced the news on Oct. 22, 1962, the same day that the new Minuteman intercontinental ballistic missiles went on alert.

The Soviets denied any such Cuban-based deployment. To counter this denial, the U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, Adlai Stevenson, provided photographic proof to the UN Security Council of the missile build-up. Kennedy announced an armed embargo of all further shipments to Cuba until the Soviets removed the missiles.

Soviet freighter ships, which were carrying more missiles, subsequently returned to the USSR as the existing missiles in Cuba were removed. This allowed the leaders of the Cold War countries to avoid a possible nuclear Armageddon. Kennedy would later underscore that the Minuteman missile—with a capability of hitting the Soviet Union homeland from its mid-western basing—was his “ace in the hole.” It allowed him to bring the Cuban Missile Crisis to a close.

Supporters of the Soviet move to install missiles in Cuba explained that the U.S. nuclear-armed missiles in Turkey, for example, could strike the Soviet Union while Moscow had no similar capability to strike the United States mainland.

In short, Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev was simply “restoring the strategic balance.” Most people didn’t know at the time that Kennedy secretly agreed to remove the military’s ​​nuclear-tipped, medium-range ballistic Jupiter missiles from Turkey in a deal with Khrushchev. This has often been cited by critics as an admission that the Soviet decision to place missiles in Cuba was understandable.

The new deployment of Minuteman missiles announced by Kennedy that October was the leverage the United States needed to end the crisis and restore U.S. deterrent capability against the Soviet Union—even as the Jupiter missiles were eventually removed from Turkey.

Fast forward some sixty years. The nuclear development now facing the United States and its allies is of Chinese not Soviet origin. Satellite photos unmistakably show that China is building 136–145 new ICBM silos in western China.

Is this serious stuff that should grab the attention of U.S. leaders? Is it an additional nuclear threat or a simple reasonable Chinese reaction to U.S. threats?

While the commander of U.S. Strategic Command, Admiral Charles Richard, has, for example, repeatedly warned Congress about the startling robust Chinese nuclear build-up now being undertaken, projecting that China would at least double its nuclear capability in the current decade, most of official Washington’s reaction to the Chinese nuclear surprise was muted.

China is building 145 new silos for nuclear-armed long-range ballistic missiles. This is roughly equivalent to building one of our ICBM Minuteman wings in North Dakota, Wyoming, or Montana. If the United States built such a missile wing today, then the cost, based on the original cost of Titan and Minuteman silo-based ICBMs, would be $17.4 billion.

Now, the Chinese have built railroad tracks with rail cars capable of carrying ICBMs. Additionally, they have tunneled into the mountains to hide such missiles. Former senior Office of the Secretary of Defense official Phillip Karber revealed this deployment some years ago and from his information, it is estimated the rail-mobile Chinese tunnel project cost $65 billion based on tunneling costs the Chinese government provided to the Israelis.

The noteworthy bit about the tunnels was the launch platforms outside of them. They are the exact distance that a Chinese ICBM is capable of flying in order to strike Air Force bases in Montana, Wyoming, and North Dakota—the three Minuteman ICBM bases, hardly indicative of a city-busting nuclear deterrent strategy.

But 136–145 silos are only somewhat less than 40 percent of the current of the U.S. military’s ICBM silos. So what is the concern? Well, that is a good question. The missile that would go in these silos is the Chinese DF-41. Each missile is capable of carrying six to ten warheads. In comparison, the Minuteman missile carries only one warhead and is a highly unattractive target.

That potentially gives the Chinese some 1360–1450 warheads. With ICBMs generally on alert 98–99% of the time, multiple warhead missiles are definitely a first-strike weapon of choice, according to nuclear expert Mark Schneider, a former top Office of the Secretary of Defense official and now a top scholar at the National Institute of Public Policy. Schneider recently authored a key assessment of Chinese nuclear forces.

Such alert levels mean the Chinese communists might have on alert 50 percent more  warheads than the United States now has on alert on a day-to-day basis. The United States has an estimated four hundred Minuteman warheads on four hundred missiles, plus an estimated four to six Ohio-class submarines at sea on patrol at any one time, each with twenty D-5 missiles and each missile with between four to five warheads. That would give the United States an estimated combined upward limit of one thousand on-alert ICBM and SLBM warheads. But that total is still some hundreds of fewer warheads on alert than just the new Chinese missile force could deploy.

More importantly, overall, including non-alert warheads, the United States generally deploys an estimated day to day 1550 warheads, including sixty strategic bombers that with special counting rules under the New START treaty can carry any number of cruise missiles and gravity bombs but still only count as sixty warheads.

Taking that factor into account, if the United States put some reasonable portion of its strategic nuclear bombers on alert, then it could have deployed some seventeen hundred to eighteen hundred nuclear warheads. Thus, China would have 136–145 new silos filled with DF-41 ICBMs. This only takes into account the current low estimate of China’s existing nuclear forces. This is serious stuff, just as the Soviet deployment of missiles in Cuba was serious stuff. The Soviets wanted to hold at risk dozens of American cities to prevent the United States from coming to the defense of its allies in NATO and Europe.

The Soviet objective was to sever the connection between the U.S. deterrent and the security of Europe, especially in the face of the Soviet Union and the Warsaw Pact to invade West Germany through the Fulda Gap with conventional forces far outstripping the NATO forces defending Bonn and Berlin.

Due to the U.S. and NATO conventional disadvantage, the U.S. nuclear deterrent was key to the defense of central Europe and NATO. After all, the long-term Soviet and now Russian goal has been to split the NATO alliance. Deploying threatening missiles in Cuba was central to that strategy.

Similarly, the Chinese build is not, as some apologists for China have claimed, simply a reasonable Chinese reaction to the U.S. nuclear modernization and supposed U.S.-led nuclear “arms race,” which is now underway. Also, it is not related to the previous deployment of U.S.national missile defenses in 2003–4.

The United States has forty-four interceptors. It uses these to deal with rogue state threats such as from North Korea and Iran. Apparently, some China experts are claiming it took China two decades to figure out that U.S. missile defenses required a huge expansion of China’s nuclear missile force.

But critics claim the United States might deploy sixty-six interceptors instead of forty-four of them. Even so, such defenses complicate a Chinese first strike against the United States but not any retaliatory capability. Thus, if China is building 1360–1450 new warheads, then it is not to overcome a very limited U.S. missile defense deployment. Instead, it is designed as a first- or pre-emptive strike capability to sustain Chinese aggression, such as a military action. This is similar to former Soviet designs on Western Europe.

The United States is not starting an arms race by modernizing its own nuclear deterrent and the Chinese are not simply following suit or catching up. The current U.S. nuclear modernization program was agreed upon in December 2010. No U.S. missile, submarine or bomber will go into the operational force until 2029 though.

On the other hand, the Chinese have been fully modernizing their nuclear force for the past decades and are putting new forces in the field regularly. At the very least, they will double their nuclear warhead levels within the decade, which has prompted Richard to raise the alarm of concern. Unfortunately, the Chinese cleverly appeal to the “always blame America” crowd and have an alternative explanation of the Chinese build to mask their intentions. Still, some experts assert an estimated 90 percent of the new Chinese silos will be filled with fake missile decoys.

Why worry then about only twelve real missiles? The People’s Republic of China would still have to build roughly 100-150 missiles for deployment and testing. But it’s only feasible to build three to five missiles a year for three decades. For comparison, the estimated cost for the United States to build that many missiles plus the significant cost of silo construction would be $21–$23 billion. That doesn’t include warheads or a nuclear command, control, and communications network. So why would the Chinese pay the equivalent of $1.9 billion per missile to add just twelve missiles and 120 warheads to their current inventory?

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China is raising its retirement age, now among the youngest in the world’s major economies

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Starting next year, China will raise its retirement age for workers, which is now among the youngest in the world’s major economies, in an effort to address its shrinking population and aging work force.

The Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress, the country’s legislature, passed the new policy Friday after a sudden announcement earlier in the week that it was reviewing the measure, state broadcaster CCTV announced.

The policy change will be carried out over 15 years, with the retirement age for men raised to 63 years, and for women to 55 or 58 years depending on their jobs. The current retirement age is 60 for men and 50 for women in blue-collar jobs and 55 for women doing white-collar work.

“We have more people coming into the retirement age, and so the pension fund is (facing) high pressure. That’s why I think it’s now time to act seriously,” said Xiujian Peng, a senior research fellow at Victoria University in Australia who studies China’s population and its ties to the economy.

The previous retirement ages were set in the 1950’s, when life expectancy was only around 40 years, Peng said.

The policy will be implemented starting in January, according to the announcement from China’s legislature. The change will take effect progressively based on people’s birthdates.

For example, a man born in January 1971 could retire at the age of 61 years and 7 months in August 2032, according to a chart released along with the policy. A man born in May 1971 could retire at the age of 61 years and 8 months in January 2033.

Demographic pressures made the move long overdue, experts say. By the end of 2023, China counted nearly 300 million people over the age of 60. By 2035, that figure is projected to be 400 million, larger than the population of the U.S. The Chinese Academy of Social Sciences had previously projected that the public pension fund will run out of money by that year.

Pressure on social benefits such as pensions and social security is hardly a China-specific problem. The U.S. also faces the issue as analysis shows that currently, the Social Security fund won’t be able to pay out full benefits to people by 2033.

“This is happening everywhere,” said Yanzhong Huang, senior fellow for global health at the Council on Foreign Relations. “But in China with its large elderly population, the challenge is much larger.”

That is on top of fewer births, as younger people opt out of having children, citing high costs. In 2022, China’s National Bureau of Statistics reported that for the first time the country had 850,000 fewer people at the end of the year than the previous year , a turning point from population growth to decline. In 2023, the population shrank further, by 2 million people.

What that means is that the burden of funding elderly people’s pensions will be divided among a smaller group of younger workers, as pension payments are largely funded by deductions from people who are currently working.

Researchers measure that pressure by looking at a number called the dependency ratio, which counts the number of people over the age of 65 compared to the number of workers under 65. That number was 21.8% in 2022, according to government statistics, meaning that roughly five workers would support one retiree. The percentage is expected to rise, meaning fewer workers will be shouldering the burden of one retiree.

The necessary course correction will cause short-term pain, experts say, coming at a time of already high youth unemployment and a soft economy.

A 52-year-old Beijing resident, who gave his family name as Lu and will now retire at age 61 instead of 60, was positive about the change. “I view this as a good thing, because our society’s getting older, and in developed countries, the retirement age is higher,” he said.

Li Bin, 35, who works in the event planning industry, said she was a bit sad.

“It’s three years less of play time. I had originally planned to travel around after retirement,” she said. But she said it was better than expected because the retirement age was only raised three years for women in white-collar jobs.

Some of the comments on social media when the policy review was announced earlier in the week reflected anxiety.

But of the 13,000 comments on the Xinhua news post announcing the news, only a few dozen were visible, suggesting that many others had been censored.

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Russia warns NATO of ‘direct war’ over Ukraine

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Moscow’s envoy to the UN has reiterated where the Kremlin’s red line is

Granting Kiev permission to use Western-supplied long-range weapons would constitute direct involvement in the Ukraine conflict by NATO, Russia’s envoy to the UN, Vassily Nebenzia, has said.

Moscow will treat any such attack as coming from the US and its allies directly, Russian President Vladimir Putin said on Thursday, explaining that long-range weapons rely on Western intelligence and targeting solutions, neither of which Ukraine is capable of.

NATO countries would “start an open war” with Russia if they allow Ukraine to use long-range weapons, Nebenzia told the UN Security Council on Friday.

“If such a decision is made, that means NATO countries are starting an open war against Russia,” Moscow’s envoy said. “In that case, we will obviously be forced to make certain decisions, with all the attendant consequences for Western aggressors.”

Putin issues new warning to NATO

“Our Western colleagues will not be able to dodge responsibility and blame Kiev for everything,” Nebenzia added. “Only NATO troops can program the flight solutions for those missile systems. Ukraine doesn’t have that capability. This is not about allowing Kiev to strike Russia with long-range weapons, but about the West making the targeting decisions.”

Russia considers it irrelevant that Ukrainian nationalists would technically be the ones pulling the trigger, Nebenzia explained. “NATO would become directly involved in military action against a nuclear power. I don’t think I have to explain what consequences that would have,” he said.

The US and its allies placed some restrictions on the use of their weapons, so they could claim not to be directly involved in the conflict with Russia, while arming Ukraine to the tune of $200 billion.

Multiple Western outlets have reported that the limitations might be lifted this week, as US Secretary of State Antony Blinken and British Foreign Secretary David Lammy visited Kiev. Russia has repeatedly warned the West against such a course of action.

 

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China makes its move in Africa. Should the West be worried?

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Beijing maintains a conservative economic agenda in its relations with the continent, while finding it increasingly difficult to avoid a political confrontation with the West

The ninth forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) and the FOCAC summit held in Beijing on September 4-6 marked a significant phase in Africa’s relations with its global partners in the post-Covid era. China is the last major partner to hold a summit with African nations following the end of the pandemic; Africa summits were held by the EU and the US in 2022, and by Russia in 2023. The pandemic, coupled with rising global tensions, macroeconomic shifts, and a series of crises, underlined Africa’s growing role in the global economy and politics – something that China, which has undergone major changes (both internal and external) as a result of the pandemic, is well aware of.

It is clear that the relationship between China and Africa is entering a new phase. China is no longer just a preferential economic partner for Africa, as it had been in the first two decades of the 21st century. It has become a key political and military ally for many African countries. This is evident from China’s increasing role in training African civil servants and sharing expertise with them, as well as from several initiatives announced at the summit, including military-technical cooperation: officer training programs, mine clearing efforts, and over $100 million which China will provide to support the armed forces of African nations.

In the political arena, however, Beijing is proceeding very cautiously and the above-mentioned initiatives should be seen as the first tentative attempts rather than a systematic strategy.

While China strives to avoid political confrontation with the West in Africa and even closely cooperates with it on certain issues, it is becoming increasingly difficult to do so. Washington is determined to pursue a policy of confrontation with Beijing in Africa – this is evident both from US rhetoric and its strategic documents.

Dirty tactics: How the US tries to break China’s soft power in Africa

A “divorce” between China and the West is almost inevitable. This means that Chinese companies may lose contracts with Western corporations and won’t have access to transportation and logistics infrastructure. Consequently, China will need to develop its own comprehensive approach to Africa, either independently or in collaboration with other global power centers.

An important sign of the growing confrontation between the US and China in Africa was the signing of a trilateral memorandum of understanding between China, Tanzania, and Zambia regarding the reconstruction of the Tanzania-Zambia Railway (TAZARA), which was originally built by China in the 1970s. If it is expanded, electrified, and modernized, TAZARA has the potential to become a viable alternative to one of the key US investment projects in the region: the Lobito Corridor, which aims to enhance logistics infrastructure for exporting minerals (copper and cobalt) from the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Zambia by modernizing the railway from the DR Congo to the Angolan port of Lobito.

In inland regions such as Eastern Congo, transportation infrastructure plays a crucial role in the process of mineral extraction. Considering the region’s shortage of rail and road networks, even a single non-electrified railway line leading to a port in the Atlantic or Indian Ocean can significantly boost the operation of the mining sector and permanently tie the extraction and processing regions to specific markets.

It appears that China’s initiative holds greater promise compared to the US one, particularly because Chinese companies control major mines both in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Zambia. This gives them a clear advantage in working with Chinese operators and equipment, facilitating the export of minerals through East African ports. Overall, this indicates that East Africa will maintain its role as the economic leader on the continent and one of the most integrated and rapidly developing regions for imports.

A former colonial European power returns to Africa. What is it after now?

The highlight of the summit was China’s pledge to provide $50 billion to African countries over the next three years (by 2027). This figure echoes the $55 billion commitment to China made by the US (for 3 years) at the 2022 US-Africa Summit and the $170 billion that the EU promised to provide over seven years back in 2021. Consequently, leading global players allocate approximately $15-20 billion annually to Africa.

In recent years, there has been noticeable growth in such promises. Nearly every nation is eager to promise Africa something – for example, Italy has pledged $1 billion annually. However, these large packages of so-called “financial aid” often have little in common with actual assistance, since they are typically commercial loans or corporate investments. Moreover, a significant portion of these funds is spent in the donor countries (e.g. on the procurement and production of goods), which means that they contribute to the economic growth of African nations in a minimal way.

As for China, it will provide about $11 billion in genuine aid. This is a substantial amount which will be used for developing healthcare and agriculture in Africa. Another $30 billion will come in the form of loans (roughly $10 billion per year) and a further $10 billion as investments.

The overall financial framework allows us to make certain conclusions, though it’s important to note that the methodology for calculating these figures is unclear, and the line between loans, humanitarian aid, and investments remains blurred. In terms of investments (averaging around $3 billion per year), Beijing plans to maintain its previous levels of activity – in recent years, China’s foreign direct investments (FDI) have ranged from $2 billion to $5 billion annually. Financial and humanitarian aid could nearly double (from the current $1.5 billion-$2 billion per year) while lending is expected to return to pre-pandemic levels (which would still be below the peak years of 2012-2018).

Can Africa seize control of its own energy?

China’s economic plan for Africa seems to be quite conservative. It’s no surprise that debt issues took center stage during the summit. During the Covid-19 pandemic, macroeconomic stability in African countries deteriorated, which led to challenges in debt repayments and forced Africa to initiate debt restructuring processes assisted by the IMF and the G20. Starting in 2020, a combination of internal and external factors led China to significantly cut its lending to African countries – from about $10-15 billion down to $2-3 billion. This reduction in funding has triggered economic reforms in several African countries (e.g. Ghana, Kenya, and Nigeria), which have shifted toward stricter tax and monetary policies. While promises to increase lending may seem like good news for African nations, it’s likely that much of this funding will go toward interest payments on existing obligations and debt restructuring, since China wants to ensure that its loans are repaid.

Despite China’s cautious approach to Africa, its interaction with the continent will develop as a result of external and internal changes affecting both Africa and China. Africa will gradually become more industrialized and will reduce imports while the demand for investments and local production will increase. China will face demographic challenges, and its workforce will decrease. This may encourage bilateral cooperation as some production facilities may move from China to Africa. This will most likely concern East African countries such as Ethiopia and Tanzania, considering China’s current investments in their energy and transportation infrastructure. Additionally, with Africa’s population on the rise and China’s population declining, Beijing is expected to attract more African migrant workers to help address labor shortages.

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