NEWS
The West Must Expect Strategic Continuity from Ebrahim Raisi’s Iran
Published
3 years agoon
Iran’s newly elected president, Ebrahim Raisi, will be inaugurated on August 5. Raisi, the country’s conservative former head of the judiciary, won office last month in what is believed to be one of the least competitive and contrived presidential elections in the forty-two-year history of the Islamic Republic. The election had the lowest voter turnout of around 49 percent with more than 30 million eligible Iranians not showing up at the polls entirely and close to 4 million voiding their ballots (either accidentally or intentionally). The unprecedented level of voter apathy was mainly the result of the early disqualification of well-known reformist and centrist figures by the country’s powerful Guardian Council coupled with increasing economic discontent in recent years caused by U.S. sanctions and internal mismanagement.
Unlike previous elections, foreign policy did not dominate the presidential debates among the candidates. Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei had already steered the candidates to prioritize the economy as the main focus of their campaign platforms. Despite limited discussion on foreign policy, all candidates, including Ebrahim Raisi, pledged their support for the ongoing negotiations in Vienna to revive the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), more popularly known as the Iran nuclear deal, which promises to end economic sanctions against the country. This endorsement was again reiterated by Raisi in his first news conference as the president-elect, where he indicated that his government would preserve the JCPOA while emphasizing that his priority will remain improving the economic conditions at home. Moreover, he also made it clear that Tehran will not deviate from the current course on its regional policies. He stressed his administration’s openness to restoring full diplomatic ties with Riyadh and to reopening embassies in both countries, signaling his full support for the ongoing security dialogue between Iran and Saudi Arabia headed by the Supreme National Security Council (SNSC).
With the Biden administration committed to resuscitating the JCPOA and the U.S. pivot away from the Middle East to East Asia, Islamic Republic elites appear to believe that now is the best time for Iran to use its hard-earned leverage—gained with the defeat of Trump’s “maximum pressure” campaign—to not only secure tangible benefits from the revival of the deal but also to reshape the regional security architecture to its advantage through negotiations with Saudi Arabia. Thus, it is not surprising that Raisi and his allies have, to a great extent, toned down their harsh rhetoric against the deal, quietly aligning themselves with the two-pronged diplomacy that is led by Hassan Rouhani’s government in Vienna and the SNSC through multiple rounds of talks in Baghdad and Muscat.
Even as Raisi’s position on the nuclear agreement is likely to receive the bulk of international and media attention, especially considering his administration’s central role in the implementation of the deal in Iran, the Islamic Republic’s foreign policy and national security strategy have been remarkably consistent and systematic across many different administrations. Iran’s national security establishment, led by Ayatollah Khamenei himself, has seemingly settled on a two-sided strategy of regional de-escalation with neighbors and achieving predictability (if not stability) in its relations with the “West.” As Raisi’s government will at best only represent the public face of this developing consensus, understanding Iran’s strategic posture requires examining the reasons (historical, structural, and strategic) behind such a rare consensus among the Islamic Republic’s top leadership.
The Hardening of a Strategic Mindset
In many regards, the Islamic Republic today finds itself at a similar historical juncture to the aftermath of the Iran-Iraq War (1980-1988)—an eight-year bloody conflict in which nearly a million Iranians lost their lives, and, in response to which, the regime’s establishment came to formulate its grand strategy. In surviving what it conceived of as an existential war led by the then-powerful Arab leader Saddam Hussein, who had the backing of regional and world powers, the nascent regime in Tehran determined that its future survival and Iran’s territorial integrity will depend on its ability to develop various forms of deterrence to defend its inchoate revolutionary system from foreign aggression.
In line with this objective, the establishment capitalized on the passing of Iran’s first supreme leader, Ruhollah Khomeini, to usher in transformative top-down reorganization of the political system beginning with amending key parts of the Islamic Republic’s constitution through the 1989 Constitutional Referendum. Together with the selection of Ali Khamenei as the new leader, these moves produced sweeping legal, political, and security changes that had the cumulative effect of further centralizing and securitizing the Iranian state, while empowering the newly-chosen supreme leader with greater control over the levers of that state.
For Ali Khamenei, the new supreme leader, who as Iran’s wartime president had assumed the role of the Chair of the Supreme Defense Council and was a founding member of the Irregular Warfare Headquarters, the experience of war was both formative and reinforcing of his belief in the importance of resistance, deterrence, and asymmetric tactics. As head of state, he thus became the leading advocate for developing an indigenous ballistic missile program, establishing a complex network of militias and proxies across the region, and building a controversial nuclear program with high enrichment capability.
Establishing Credible Deterrence
Today, thirty-two years into Khamenei’s reign, the Islamic Republic has largely succeeded in establishing a forward geostrategic posture in the region through both conventional and asymmetric means to serve as an effective and credible deterrence against any foreign powers, including the United States.
Iran boasts an advanced nuclear program with an enrichment capability that is largely protected across scattered and hardened underground facilities, making it extremely difficult for Iran’s adversaries to completely destroy the program through preemptive airstrikes. While the JCPOA will significantly limit Iran’s nuclear activities and prolong its break-out time to over a year, it will not completely dismantle these enrichment facilities and, more importantly, can never undo the technical know-how the country has amassed over decades. Iran is thus knocking at the door of becoming a threshold nuclear state.
Militarily, the Iranians have developed a diverse missile arsenal capable of precision attacks against targets within a 2,000 km range. In recent years, the country’s armed forces have also demonstrated their willingness and operational capability to launch missile and drone strikes against targets in Iraq, Syria, and even against Saudi oil and gas facilities.
Perhaps most significant of all, Iran has capitalized on instabilities in Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, and Yemen (largely the result of failed U.S. interventions) as well as the continued Israel-Palestine conflict to grow and cement its influence across the Middle East, creating an “axis of resistance” through a vast network of militia forces and their political affiliates in these countries. Although many of these groups do not operate under Iran’s direct or complete control, the combination of Iranian support and a perception of mutual interests and shared ideology have turned them into a formidable forward deterrence for Iran beyond its borders.
Demographics and Shifting Priorities
Having largely achieved its long-awaited strategic goal of deterrence with its “security-first” approach, the Islamic Republic appears prepared to also prioritize its economy. The Iranian leadership understands that the most pressing national security threat for the regime today stems from the country’s poor economic conditions caused by years of U.S. sanctions and exasperated by government dysfunction, corruption, and mismanagement producing mass popular reactions domestically.
Although Iran was able to avoid a total collapse of its economy in the face of Washington’s maximum pressure campaign, the increased poverty rate, shrinking middle class, and rising unemployment exacerbated by the mishandling of the Covid-19 pandemic have created unprecedented resentment and distrust among the Iranian people toward the system. While the Islamic Republic has displayed little qualms about brutally suppressing dissent in the past, the establishment seems to be well-aware of the situation’s long-term unsustainability and is concerned about its severe security implications.
With U.S.-driven international sanctions limiting Iran’s oil exports and blocking its access to foreign reserves, regime insiders, including Raisi, have identified the sanctions as the major obstacle to economic recovery and industrial growth for the country. Furthermore, demographic trends in terms of an aging population mean that Iran’s window of opportunity for economic development is also rapidly closing. According to population experts, Iran entered into a favorable demographic window of opportunity in 2005. A demographic window of opportunity exists when the working-age population in a country far exceeds the dependent population of adolescents and the elderly. While earlier assessments had estimated that Iran’s demographic window of opportunity would close by 2040, more recent estimates suggest that such population decline may occur as early as 2027. In addition to increasing popular discontent about Iran’s dire economic situation, the prospect of a fundamental demographic shift is creating a sense of urgency for the Islamic Republic to prioritize economic growth and development now.
Heeding Strategic Continuity and Cultural Realism in Dealing with Iran
Led by Khamenei, Iran’s political establishment has coalesced around these new realities. While the centrist faction (led by the current president Rouhani) had seemingly convinced Iran’s leadership to pursue rapprochement with the West through the JCPOA in hopes of incorporating Iran into the international financial system, attracting foreign investments, and creating a level of economic interdependence with the West, Donald Trump’s election and Washington’s subsequent withdrawal from the nuclear agreement in 2018 spoiled Rouhani’s plan. In the eyes of many in the Iranian establishment, this outcome proved the futility (if not the delusion) of Iran’s accommodationist approach toward the West.
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NEWS
China is raising its retirement age, now among the youngest in the world’s major economies
Published
3 months agoon
September 14, 2024Starting next year, China will raise its retirement age for workers, which is now among the youngest in the world’s major economies, in an effort to address its shrinking population and aging work force.
The Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress, the country’s legislature, passed the new policy Friday after a sudden announcement earlier in the week that it was reviewing the measure, state broadcaster CCTV announced.
The policy change will be carried out over 15 years, with the retirement age for men raised to 63 years, and for women to 55 or 58 years depending on their jobs. The current retirement age is 60 for men and 50 for women in blue-collar jobs and 55 for women doing white-collar work.
“We have more people coming into the retirement age, and so the pension fund is (facing) high pressure. That’s why I think it’s now time to act seriously,” said Xiujian Peng, a senior research fellow at Victoria University in Australia who studies China’s population and its ties to the economy.
The previous retirement ages were set in the 1950’s, when life expectancy was only around 40 years, Peng said.
The policy will be implemented starting in January, according to the announcement from China’s legislature. The change will take effect progressively based on people’s birthdates.
For example, a man born in January 1971 could retire at the age of 61 years and 7 months in August 2032, according to a chart released along with the policy. A man born in May 1971 could retire at the age of 61 years and 8 months in January 2033.
Demographic pressures made the move long overdue, experts say. By the end of 2023, China counted nearly 300 million people over the age of 60. By 2035, that figure is projected to be 400 million, larger than the population of the U.S. The Chinese Academy of Social Sciences had previously projected that the public pension fund will run out of money by that year.
Pressure on social benefits such as pensions and social security is hardly a China-specific problem. The U.S. also faces the issue as analysis shows that currently, the Social Security fund won’t be able to pay out full benefits to people by 2033.
“This is happening everywhere,” said Yanzhong Huang, senior fellow for global health at the Council on Foreign Relations. “But in China with its large elderly population, the challenge is much larger.”
That is on top of fewer births, as younger people opt out of having children, citing high costs. In 2022, China’s National Bureau of Statistics reported that for the first time the country had 850,000 fewer people at the end of the year than the previous year , a turning point from population growth to decline. In 2023, the population shrank further, by 2 million people.
What that means is that the burden of funding elderly people’s pensions will be divided among a smaller group of younger workers, as pension payments are largely funded by deductions from people who are currently working.
Researchers measure that pressure by looking at a number called the dependency ratio, which counts the number of people over the age of 65 compared to the number of workers under 65. That number was 21.8% in 2022, according to government statistics, meaning that roughly five workers would support one retiree. The percentage is expected to rise, meaning fewer workers will be shouldering the burden of one retiree.
The necessary course correction will cause short-term pain, experts say, coming at a time of already high youth unemployment and a soft economy.
A 52-year-old Beijing resident, who gave his family name as Lu and will now retire at age 61 instead of 60, was positive about the change. “I view this as a good thing, because our society’s getting older, and in developed countries, the retirement age is higher,” he said.
Li Bin, 35, who works in the event planning industry, said she was a bit sad.
“It’s three years less of play time. I had originally planned to travel around after retirement,” she said. But she said it was better than expected because the retirement age was only raised three years for women in white-collar jobs.
Some of the comments on social media when the policy review was announced earlier in the week reflected anxiety.
But of the 13,000 comments on the Xinhua news post announcing the news, only a few dozen were visible, suggesting that many others had been censored.
Moscow’s envoy to the UN has reiterated where the Kremlin’s red line is
Granting Kiev permission to use Western-supplied long-range weapons would constitute direct involvement in the Ukraine conflict by NATO, Russia’s envoy to the UN, Vassily Nebenzia, has said.
Moscow will treat any such attack as coming from the US and its allies directly, Russian President Vladimir Putin said on Thursday, explaining that long-range weapons rely on Western intelligence and targeting solutions, neither of which Ukraine is capable of.
NATO countries would “start an open war” with Russia if they allow Ukraine to use long-range weapons, Nebenzia told the UN Security Council on Friday.
“If such a decision is made, that means NATO countries are starting an open war against Russia,” Moscow’s envoy said. “In that case, we will obviously be forced to make certain decisions, with all the attendant consequences for Western aggressors.”
Putin issues new warning to NATO
“Our Western colleagues will not be able to dodge responsibility and blame Kiev for everything,” Nebenzia added. “Only NATO troops can program the flight solutions for those missile systems. Ukraine doesn’t have that capability. This is not about allowing Kiev to strike Russia with long-range weapons, but about the West making the targeting decisions.”
Russia considers it irrelevant that Ukrainian nationalists would technically be the ones pulling the trigger, Nebenzia explained. “NATO would become directly involved in military action against a nuclear power. I don’t think I have to explain what consequences that would have,” he said.
The US and its allies placed some restrictions on the use of their weapons, so they could claim not to be directly involved in the conflict with Russia, while arming Ukraine to the tune of $200 billion.
Multiple Western outlets have reported that the limitations might be lifted this week, as US Secretary of State Antony Blinken and British Foreign Secretary David Lammy visited Kiev. Russia has repeatedly warned the West against such a course of action.
‼️🇷🇺🏴☠️ President's Response on the Potential Use of NATO Long-Range Weapons Against Russia
"This would mean that NATO countries, the United States, and European nations are at war with Russia. And if that is the case, considering the fundamental shift in the nature of this… pic.twitter.com/UO03dRUl44
— Zlatti71 (@Zlatti_71) September 12, 2024
NEWS
China makes its move in Africa. Should the West be worried?
Published
3 months agoon
September 11, 2024Beijing maintains a conservative economic agenda in its relations with the continent, while finding it increasingly difficult to avoid a political confrontation with the West
The ninth forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) and the FOCAC summit held in Beijing on September 4-6 marked a significant phase in Africa’s relations with its global partners in the post-Covid era. China is the last major partner to hold a summit with African nations following the end of the pandemic; Africa summits were held by the EU and the US in 2022, and by Russia in 2023. The pandemic, coupled with rising global tensions, macroeconomic shifts, and a series of crises, underlined Africa’s growing role in the global economy and politics – something that China, which has undergone major changes (both internal and external) as a result of the pandemic, is well aware of.
It is clear that the relationship between China and Africa is entering a new phase. China is no longer just a preferential economic partner for Africa, as it had been in the first two decades of the 21st century. It has become a key political and military ally for many African countries. This is evident from China’s increasing role in training African civil servants and sharing expertise with them, as well as from several initiatives announced at the summit, including military-technical cooperation: officer training programs, mine clearing efforts, and over $100 million which China will provide to support the armed forces of African nations.
In the political arena, however, Beijing is proceeding very cautiously and the above-mentioned initiatives should be seen as the first tentative attempts rather than a systematic strategy.
While China strives to avoid political confrontation with the West in Africa and even closely cooperates with it on certain issues, it is becoming increasingly difficult to do so. Washington is determined to pursue a policy of confrontation with Beijing in Africa – this is evident both from US rhetoric and its strategic documents.
Dirty tactics: How the US tries to break China’s soft power in Africa
A “divorce” between China and the West is almost inevitable. This means that Chinese companies may lose contracts with Western corporations and won’t have access to transportation and logistics infrastructure. Consequently, China will need to develop its own comprehensive approach to Africa, either independently or in collaboration with other global power centers.
An important sign of the growing confrontation between the US and China in Africa was the signing of a trilateral memorandum of understanding between China, Tanzania, and Zambia regarding the reconstruction of the Tanzania-Zambia Railway (TAZARA), which was originally built by China in the 1970s. If it is expanded, electrified, and modernized, TAZARA has the potential to become a viable alternative to one of the key US investment projects in the region: the Lobito Corridor, which aims to enhance logistics infrastructure for exporting minerals (copper and cobalt) from the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Zambia by modernizing the railway from the DR Congo to the Angolan port of Lobito.
In inland regions such as Eastern Congo, transportation infrastructure plays a crucial role in the process of mineral extraction. Considering the region’s shortage of rail and road networks, even a single non-electrified railway line leading to a port in the Atlantic or Indian Ocean can significantly boost the operation of the mining sector and permanently tie the extraction and processing regions to specific markets.
It appears that China’s initiative holds greater promise compared to the US one, particularly because Chinese companies control major mines both in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Zambia. This gives them a clear advantage in working with Chinese operators and equipment, facilitating the export of minerals through East African ports. Overall, this indicates that East Africa will maintain its role as the economic leader on the continent and one of the most integrated and rapidly developing regions for imports.
A former colonial European power returns to Africa. What is it after now?
The highlight of the summit was China’s pledge to provide $50 billion to African countries over the next three years (by 2027). This figure echoes the $55 billion commitment to China made by the US (for 3 years) at the 2022 US-Africa Summit and the $170 billion that the EU promised to provide over seven years back in 2021. Consequently, leading global players allocate approximately $15-20 billion annually to Africa.
In recent years, there has been noticeable growth in such promises. Nearly every nation is eager to promise Africa something – for example, Italy has pledged $1 billion annually. However, these large packages of so-called “financial aid” often have little in common with actual assistance, since they are typically commercial loans or corporate investments. Moreover, a significant portion of these funds is spent in the donor countries (e.g. on the procurement and production of goods), which means that they contribute to the economic growth of African nations in a minimal way.
As for China, it will provide about $11 billion in genuine aid. This is a substantial amount which will be used for developing healthcare and agriculture in Africa. Another $30 billion will come in the form of loans (roughly $10 billion per year) and a further $10 billion as investments.
The overall financial framework allows us to make certain conclusions, though it’s important to note that the methodology for calculating these figures is unclear, and the line between loans, humanitarian aid, and investments remains blurred. In terms of investments (averaging around $3 billion per year), Beijing plans to maintain its previous levels of activity – in recent years, China’s foreign direct investments (FDI) have ranged from $2 billion to $5 billion annually. Financial and humanitarian aid could nearly double (from the current $1.5 billion-$2 billion per year) while lending is expected to return to pre-pandemic levels (which would still be below the peak years of 2012-2018).
Can Africa seize control of its own energy?
China’s economic plan for Africa seems to be quite conservative. It’s no surprise that debt issues took center stage during the summit. During the Covid-19 pandemic, macroeconomic stability in African countries deteriorated, which led to challenges in debt repayments and forced Africa to initiate debt restructuring processes assisted by the IMF and the G20. Starting in 2020, a combination of internal and external factors led China to significantly cut its lending to African countries – from about $10-15 billion down to $2-3 billion. This reduction in funding has triggered economic reforms in several African countries (e.g. Ghana, Kenya, and Nigeria), which have shifted toward stricter tax and monetary policies. While promises to increase lending may seem like good news for African nations, it’s likely that much of this funding will go toward interest payments on existing obligations and debt restructuring, since China wants to ensure that its loans are repaid.
Despite China’s cautious approach to Africa, its interaction with the continent will develop as a result of external and internal changes affecting both Africa and China. Africa will gradually become more industrialized and will reduce imports while the demand for investments and local production will increase. China will face demographic challenges, and its workforce will decrease. This may encourage bilateral cooperation as some production facilities may move from China to Africa. This will most likely concern East African countries such as Ethiopia and Tanzania, considering China’s current investments in their energy and transportation infrastructure. Additionally, with Africa’s population on the rise and China’s population declining, Beijing is expected to attract more African migrant workers to help address labor shortages.
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