NEWS
Biden wants to avoid Trump’s fate of US-Russia relations dominating his presidency, so White House needs summit more than Kremlin
Published
4 years agoon
US Secretary of State Antony Blinken will meet Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov in Reykjavik, Iceland, this week. The US needs a presidential summit more than Russia, so odds are the moralizing will be kept to a minimum.
The US and Russia have announced that Blinken and Lavrov will be convening in a side session during a ministerial meeting of the Arctic Council, scheduled for May 20, 2021. While any meeting between the individuals responsible for the foreign relations of their respective governments is always noteworthy, especially when tensions are at a high level, the real purpose of the meeting appears to be to come to terms about a possible summit between US President Joe Biden and Russian President Vladimir Putin. As such, the stakes of this meeting couldn’t be higher.
The choice of the Arctic Council as the forum for this important ministerial meeting, while influenced by the realities of the calendar, is also driven by the fact that the Arctic Council is one of the few venues where US-Russian dialogue is unburdened by the kind of hot-button topics that are the bane of relations between these two nations today. As the First Deputy Secretary of the Russian Security Council Yuri Averyanov noted in a recent interview, “the Arctic is one of few fields where Russia and the US successfully manage to have a dialogue on a decent level.”
US muscle-flexing threatens to open Arctic front in new Cold War with Russia
The reason for this, Averyanov said, is that the Arctic Council is precluded by its charter from discussing issues of a military nature, and instead focuses on “practical questions” such as coordination between coast guards, management of fisheries, and the safety of shipping. As such, there is no political or diplomatic minefield that Blinken and Lavrov will need to negotiate before having their meeting.
This does not mean that it is guaranteed to succeed — far from it. The US State Department read-out of the telephone call between Blinken and Lavrov that preceded the announcement of their Reykjavik rendezvous underscored Blinken’s reiteration of President Biden’s “resolve to protect US citizens and act firmly in defense of US interests in response to actions by Russia that harm us or our allies.”
Blinken’s posturing mirrored a similar stance taken by President Putin during his Victory Day speech on May 9. There, Putin declared that “Russia is consistently defending international law while continuing to protect our national interests and the security of our people.” Putin’s words, however, must be viewed in the context of his earlier comments, made in the aftermath of President Biden’s “soulless killer” comments this March. Then, Putin bluntly declared that Russia “will work with the US, but in the areas that we are interested in and on terms that we believe are beneficial to us…and [the US] will have to reckon with this.”
This new attitude on the part of Russia may account for the difference in both tone and content in the Russian Foreign Ministry’s read-out of the Lavrov-Blinken phone call, which noted that the two agreed to hold a separate meeting on the sidelines of the 9th Arctic Council ministerial session “in order to review key issues of bilateral relations and the international agenda.”
No mention was made by the Russians of Blinken’s reiteration of Biden’s “resolve” to respond to Russian “actions.” This does not mean that Blinken did not make such a statement, but rather that the Russians recognize Blinken’s need to appease an American domestic political audience, while leaving the door open for viable dialogue with Moscow that conforms to the new reality laid down by Putin back in March.
The tone and content represented in the May 12 phone call was a far cry from the more confrontational stance taken barely a week prior at the United Nations. There, Blinken declared that the US would “push back forcefully when we see countries (i.e., Russia) undermine the international order, pretend that the rules we’ve all agreed to don’t exist, or simply violate them at will.” For his part, Lavrov derided the notion of a rules based international order as defined by the US. He said that the US was seeking to create a “a new club based on interests, with a clearly ideological nature” through the vehicle of a ‘Summit for Democracy’, currently scheduled to take place before year’s end, that could “further inflame international tensions and deepen dividing lines in a world that needs a unifying agenda more than ever.”
Washington carves out confrontational path with Moscow in fiery diplomatic exchange between Secretary of State Blinken & FM Lavrov
If Washington and Moscow were to repeat the exchange of acerbic barbs at their Reykjavik summit, it would probably become one of the shortest meetings in the history of US-Russian ministerial affairs. Russia has made it clear that it neither has the time nor inclination to put up with US moral posturing. It appears for the moment that the US may have gotten the message.
Beyond the limited discussion on issues of joint concern, the main purpose of the Blinken-Lavrov meeting appears to be for the two statesmen to set the stage for a possible summit between Biden and Putin. While Biden has previously raised the possibility of such a meeting during a phone call with his Russian counterpart in April, the Kremlin said Putin wouldn’t meet Biden in the near future, citing difficulties in organizing such a meeting on short notice. Despite the lack of public enthusiasm from the Russian side about a Biden-Putin summit, the American president remains confident that such a meeting will take place, perhaps as soon as the mid-June gathering of the G-7. But so far no certain agreement has been reached and the issue “is still at the stage of discussion and analysis,” according to the Kremlin spokesman.
Part of the process of “discussion and analysis” undoubtedly includes the upcoming Blinken-Lavrov meeting. The bottom line is that the US needs a Biden-Putin summit more than Russia does. There appears to be a growing recognition on the part of US foreign and national security actors that US-Russia relations are in danger of spinning out of control in ways that will be detrimental to the interests of both the US and its allies. While a Blinken-Lavrov meeting will not come close to either resolving the outstanding issues that exist between the two nations, it could set the tone and expectations for a summit between their respective heads of state.
If Blinken can pull off such a meeting without resorting to the employment of the kind of moralizing rhetoric that has generated the ire of Russia in the past, then the prospects of a Biden-Putin summit this summer are good. But if the American secretary of state reverts to form, and crosses the well-defined diplomatic red lines that have been set by the Russian leadership regarding the tone and content of diplomatic discourse between the two nations, all bets are off.
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NEWS
China is raising its retirement age, now among the youngest in the world’s major economies
Published
3 months agoon
September 14, 2024Starting next year, China will raise its retirement age for workers, which is now among the youngest in the world’s major economies, in an effort to address its shrinking population and aging work force.
The Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress, the country’s legislature, passed the new policy Friday after a sudden announcement earlier in the week that it was reviewing the measure, state broadcaster CCTV announced.
The policy change will be carried out over 15 years, with the retirement age for men raised to 63 years, and for women to 55 or 58 years depending on their jobs. The current retirement age is 60 for men and 50 for women in blue-collar jobs and 55 for women doing white-collar work.
“We have more people coming into the retirement age, and so the pension fund is (facing) high pressure. That’s why I think it’s now time to act seriously,” said Xiujian Peng, a senior research fellow at Victoria University in Australia who studies China’s population and its ties to the economy.
The previous retirement ages were set in the 1950’s, when life expectancy was only around 40 years, Peng said.
The policy will be implemented starting in January, according to the announcement from China’s legislature. The change will take effect progressively based on people’s birthdates.
For example, a man born in January 1971 could retire at the age of 61 years and 7 months in August 2032, according to a chart released along with the policy. A man born in May 1971 could retire at the age of 61 years and 8 months in January 2033.
Demographic pressures made the move long overdue, experts say. By the end of 2023, China counted nearly 300 million people over the age of 60. By 2035, that figure is projected to be 400 million, larger than the population of the U.S. The Chinese Academy of Social Sciences had previously projected that the public pension fund will run out of money by that year.
Pressure on social benefits such as pensions and social security is hardly a China-specific problem. The U.S. also faces the issue as analysis shows that currently, the Social Security fund won’t be able to pay out full benefits to people by 2033.
“This is happening everywhere,” said Yanzhong Huang, senior fellow for global health at the Council on Foreign Relations. “But in China with its large elderly population, the challenge is much larger.”
That is on top of fewer births, as younger people opt out of having children, citing high costs. In 2022, China’s National Bureau of Statistics reported that for the first time the country had 850,000 fewer people at the end of the year than the previous year , a turning point from population growth to decline. In 2023, the population shrank further, by 2 million people.
What that means is that the burden of funding elderly people’s pensions will be divided among a smaller group of younger workers, as pension payments are largely funded by deductions from people who are currently working.
Researchers measure that pressure by looking at a number called the dependency ratio, which counts the number of people over the age of 65 compared to the number of workers under 65. That number was 21.8% in 2022, according to government statistics, meaning that roughly five workers would support one retiree. The percentage is expected to rise, meaning fewer workers will be shouldering the burden of one retiree.
The necessary course correction will cause short-term pain, experts say, coming at a time of already high youth unemployment and a soft economy.
A 52-year-old Beijing resident, who gave his family name as Lu and will now retire at age 61 instead of 60, was positive about the change. “I view this as a good thing, because our society’s getting older, and in developed countries, the retirement age is higher,” he said.
Li Bin, 35, who works in the event planning industry, said she was a bit sad.
“It’s three years less of play time. I had originally planned to travel around after retirement,” she said. But she said it was better than expected because the retirement age was only raised three years for women in white-collar jobs.
Some of the comments on social media when the policy review was announced earlier in the week reflected anxiety.
But of the 13,000 comments on the Xinhua news post announcing the news, only a few dozen were visible, suggesting that many others had been censored.
Moscow’s envoy to the UN has reiterated where the Kremlin’s red line is
Granting Kiev permission to use Western-supplied long-range weapons would constitute direct involvement in the Ukraine conflict by NATO, Russia’s envoy to the UN, Vassily Nebenzia, has said.
Moscow will treat any such attack as coming from the US and its allies directly, Russian President Vladimir Putin said on Thursday, explaining that long-range weapons rely on Western intelligence and targeting solutions, neither of which Ukraine is capable of.
NATO countries would “start an open war” with Russia if they allow Ukraine to use long-range weapons, Nebenzia told the UN Security Council on Friday.
“If such a decision is made, that means NATO countries are starting an open war against Russia,” Moscow’s envoy said. “In that case, we will obviously be forced to make certain decisions, with all the attendant consequences for Western aggressors.”
Putin issues new warning to NATO
“Our Western colleagues will not be able to dodge responsibility and blame Kiev for everything,” Nebenzia added. “Only NATO troops can program the flight solutions for those missile systems. Ukraine doesn’t have that capability. This is not about allowing Kiev to strike Russia with long-range weapons, but about the West making the targeting decisions.”
Russia considers it irrelevant that Ukrainian nationalists would technically be the ones pulling the trigger, Nebenzia explained. “NATO would become directly involved in military action against a nuclear power. I don’t think I have to explain what consequences that would have,” he said.
The US and its allies placed some restrictions on the use of their weapons, so they could claim not to be directly involved in the conflict with Russia, while arming Ukraine to the tune of $200 billion.
Multiple Western outlets have reported that the limitations might be lifted this week, as US Secretary of State Antony Blinken and British Foreign Secretary David Lammy visited Kiev. Russia has repeatedly warned the West against such a course of action.
‼️🇷🇺🏴☠️ President's Response on the Potential Use of NATO Long-Range Weapons Against Russia
"This would mean that NATO countries, the United States, and European nations are at war with Russia. And if that is the case, considering the fundamental shift in the nature of this… pic.twitter.com/UO03dRUl44
— Zlatti71 (@Zlatti_71) September 12, 2024
NEWS
China makes its move in Africa. Should the West be worried?
Published
3 months agoon
September 11, 2024Beijing maintains a conservative economic agenda in its relations with the continent, while finding it increasingly difficult to avoid a political confrontation with the West
The ninth forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) and the FOCAC summit held in Beijing on September 4-6 marked a significant phase in Africa’s relations with its global partners in the post-Covid era. China is the last major partner to hold a summit with African nations following the end of the pandemic; Africa summits were held by the EU and the US in 2022, and by Russia in 2023. The pandemic, coupled with rising global tensions, macroeconomic shifts, and a series of crises, underlined Africa’s growing role in the global economy and politics – something that China, which has undergone major changes (both internal and external) as a result of the pandemic, is well aware of.
It is clear that the relationship between China and Africa is entering a new phase. China is no longer just a preferential economic partner for Africa, as it had been in the first two decades of the 21st century. It has become a key political and military ally for many African countries. This is evident from China’s increasing role in training African civil servants and sharing expertise with them, as well as from several initiatives announced at the summit, including military-technical cooperation: officer training programs, mine clearing efforts, and over $100 million which China will provide to support the armed forces of African nations.
In the political arena, however, Beijing is proceeding very cautiously and the above-mentioned initiatives should be seen as the first tentative attempts rather than a systematic strategy.
While China strives to avoid political confrontation with the West in Africa and even closely cooperates with it on certain issues, it is becoming increasingly difficult to do so. Washington is determined to pursue a policy of confrontation with Beijing in Africa – this is evident both from US rhetoric and its strategic documents.
Dirty tactics: How the US tries to break China’s soft power in Africa
A “divorce” between China and the West is almost inevitable. This means that Chinese companies may lose contracts with Western corporations and won’t have access to transportation and logistics infrastructure. Consequently, China will need to develop its own comprehensive approach to Africa, either independently or in collaboration with other global power centers.
An important sign of the growing confrontation between the US and China in Africa was the signing of a trilateral memorandum of understanding between China, Tanzania, and Zambia regarding the reconstruction of the Tanzania-Zambia Railway (TAZARA), which was originally built by China in the 1970s. If it is expanded, electrified, and modernized, TAZARA has the potential to become a viable alternative to one of the key US investment projects in the region: the Lobito Corridor, which aims to enhance logistics infrastructure for exporting minerals (copper and cobalt) from the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Zambia by modernizing the railway from the DR Congo to the Angolan port of Lobito.
In inland regions such as Eastern Congo, transportation infrastructure plays a crucial role in the process of mineral extraction. Considering the region’s shortage of rail and road networks, even a single non-electrified railway line leading to a port in the Atlantic or Indian Ocean can significantly boost the operation of the mining sector and permanently tie the extraction and processing regions to specific markets.
It appears that China’s initiative holds greater promise compared to the US one, particularly because Chinese companies control major mines both in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Zambia. This gives them a clear advantage in working with Chinese operators and equipment, facilitating the export of minerals through East African ports. Overall, this indicates that East Africa will maintain its role as the economic leader on the continent and one of the most integrated and rapidly developing regions for imports.
A former colonial European power returns to Africa. What is it after now?
The highlight of the summit was China’s pledge to provide $50 billion to African countries over the next three years (by 2027). This figure echoes the $55 billion commitment to China made by the US (for 3 years) at the 2022 US-Africa Summit and the $170 billion that the EU promised to provide over seven years back in 2021. Consequently, leading global players allocate approximately $15-20 billion annually to Africa.
In recent years, there has been noticeable growth in such promises. Nearly every nation is eager to promise Africa something – for example, Italy has pledged $1 billion annually. However, these large packages of so-called “financial aid” often have little in common with actual assistance, since they are typically commercial loans or corporate investments. Moreover, a significant portion of these funds is spent in the donor countries (e.g. on the procurement and production of goods), which means that they contribute to the economic growth of African nations in a minimal way.
As for China, it will provide about $11 billion in genuine aid. This is a substantial amount which will be used for developing healthcare and agriculture in Africa. Another $30 billion will come in the form of loans (roughly $10 billion per year) and a further $10 billion as investments.
The overall financial framework allows us to make certain conclusions, though it’s important to note that the methodology for calculating these figures is unclear, and the line between loans, humanitarian aid, and investments remains blurred. In terms of investments (averaging around $3 billion per year), Beijing plans to maintain its previous levels of activity – in recent years, China’s foreign direct investments (FDI) have ranged from $2 billion to $5 billion annually. Financial and humanitarian aid could nearly double (from the current $1.5 billion-$2 billion per year) while lending is expected to return to pre-pandemic levels (which would still be below the peak years of 2012-2018).
Can Africa seize control of its own energy?
China’s economic plan for Africa seems to be quite conservative. It’s no surprise that debt issues took center stage during the summit. During the Covid-19 pandemic, macroeconomic stability in African countries deteriorated, which led to challenges in debt repayments and forced Africa to initiate debt restructuring processes assisted by the IMF and the G20. Starting in 2020, a combination of internal and external factors led China to significantly cut its lending to African countries – from about $10-15 billion down to $2-3 billion. This reduction in funding has triggered economic reforms in several African countries (e.g. Ghana, Kenya, and Nigeria), which have shifted toward stricter tax and monetary policies. While promises to increase lending may seem like good news for African nations, it’s likely that much of this funding will go toward interest payments on existing obligations and debt restructuring, since China wants to ensure that its loans are repaid.
Despite China’s cautious approach to Africa, its interaction with the continent will develop as a result of external and internal changes affecting both Africa and China. Africa will gradually become more industrialized and will reduce imports while the demand for investments and local production will increase. China will face demographic challenges, and its workforce will decrease. This may encourage bilateral cooperation as some production facilities may move from China to Africa. This will most likely concern East African countries such as Ethiopia and Tanzania, considering China’s current investments in their energy and transportation infrastructure. Additionally, with Africa’s population on the rise and China’s population declining, Beijing is expected to attract more African migrant workers to help address labor shortages.
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