NEWS
I’ve been expelled from my barristers’ chambers over a tweet – this shackling of free expression signals the death of democracy
Published
4 years agoon
The woke may pose as lovely people who just want us all to be nice to one another. But they are not, as my cancelling shows: they are intolerant proselytisers who want to silence those who challenge them.
I have been expelled from my barristers’ chambers because of a tweet. During my 15 years as a barrister at Cornerstone Barristers and 30 years at the bar, I had an unblemished professional record and was top ranked by legal directories for my work – particularly in public law. And yet my one-sentence tweet on a platform designed to be polemical has ended this particular career.
I tweet regularly: identifying myself as a barrister, but never as a member of Cornerstone. In fact, I had two accounts, the other identified me as a member of Cornerstone and was used for professional purposes. And yet, a 13-word tweet on my political account has caused me to be expelled from my professional workplace.
The offending tweet was a response to a promotional video from the Equality and Human Rights Commission that featured the parents of former schoolgirl, Ruby Williams, who had challenged her school’s uniform policy. The video claimed this was a case of racial discrimination and hence that the policy had been rightly outlawed. I challenged that conclusion with a counter-narrative by stating: “The Equality Act undermines school discipline by empowering the stroppy teenager of colour.” In other words, I did not view this as a case of racism by the school. I saw it as a challenge to school discipline by a child and her parents who were seeking a dispensation on racial grounds.
The impugned school uniform policy required “Afro-style hair, including buns, to be of a reasonable size and length.” A policy premised on reasonableness should not be outlawed as discriminatory. The implication is that a lawful school policy should allow Afro-style hair to be of unreasonable size and length. Moreover, school policies should be complied with by children and their parents. But Ruby did not comply and was accordingly sent home on several occasions because her hair was “too big.” As my tweet claimed, the case highlighted how “the Equality Act undermines school discipline by empowering the stroppy teenager of colour.”
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The Twitterati demand my head
Five days after I posted the tweet, a Twitterati of bien pensants organised a pile-in. Twitter investigated and concluded that my tweet “is not subject to removal under the Twitter Rules or German law.” Undeterred by this finding, the Twitterati pressed on with the clear intention of giving me the choice of being either silenced or driven out of Cornerstone. Several implied I had no place at the bar; one wondered why I “feel safe… tweeting something like this.” Shadow Justice Secretary David Lammy MP posted: “You shame the Bar.”
I responded – not on Twitter – but with a reasoned essay that put the Ruby Williams case in its proper context by considering several school uniform court cases dating back to 1982. This online essay on Conservative Woman argued that school uniform policies should not be required by law to accommodate cultural sensitivities. It argued that schools should be able to set their own policies without legal constraint because headteachers and governors know best how to address community needs.
The article noted how a primary school in Newham, east London had “decided to tackle the problem of multiculturalism with a 2016 policy that outlawed the hijab for girls under eight.” The policy was introduced after the headmistress noted how very few of her schoolchildren thought they were British because they identified as Indian or Pakistani.
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This move to silence me merely fortifies me in the fight against cancel culture
Those who challenge the woke agenda are likely to be pilloried on Twitter: a forum with a preponderance of the like-minded clerisy. This clerisy did it in my case with two gross errors and one omission. First, it claimed I had attacked a vulnerable girl. But by failing to comply with a school uniform policy that merely required her hair to be of “reasonable size and length,” the description of Ruby as a “stroppy teenager” was apt. Nobody has suggested that the schoolgirl had parents who were so controlling as to deprive her of a description that gave her agency. Furthermore, the girl never sought anonymity – unusual in court cases involving children – which was probably because she wanted to speak publicly about the case, which she did. Moreover, she is now 19 years of age and able to defend her stance.
Secondly, the Twitterati claimed that describing the “stroppy teenager” as being “of colour” was racist. But Ruby won her case because she was “of colour.” Without making a reference to the girl’s race, the tweet would have made no sense. To use the language of the Equality Act: Ruby had a “protected characteristic” (her race) which was the basis on which her legal challenge was brought and succeeded.
Thirdly, my detractors failed to engage with the point I made. Many on Twitter, especially lawyers, will salivate over any video that celebrates cultural diversity and the equality discourse. But they cannot cope with critics who, like the headmistress at the Newham school and the other headteachers quoted in my essay, can see that cultural diversity can be damaging when not tempered by the importance of cultural assimilation.
Furthermore, as my essay explains, the “equality” discourse is a misnomer because it operates by treating some (those with protected characteristics) more favourably than others. These are issues that the woke left cannot engage with and so they seek instead to silence any criticism with their weapon of choice: cancel culture.
Cancel culture is invariably ad hominem. If a person is “racist,” he is too vile to be listened to. Some people fit that description, but by applying this stigma to me – a person keen to challenge racial differences – my critics have deluded themselves in order to run away from a debate. In my case, the ad hominem charge of “racist” was allied to the notion that I was too disreputable to continue practising as a barrister.
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A straitjacket on the free expression of ideas
This raises an interesting point. Has society become so intolerant towards those who challenge the woke agenda that it is no longer possible to counter this political discourse while practising as a barrister (or any sort of professional)? Over the last few years, the woke have reported several of my tweets to my professional regulator, the Bar Standards Board (BSB), and in one recent case that I did for Brighton Council, I was sacked immediately after winning it when a Guardian journalist asked the Council to look at my Twitter timeline.
So far, the BSB has never contacted me and I assume that it recognises the importance of my right to speak freely. But if it were to bend the knee before the woke, then it would cement the view that barristers must either be Guardian-reading liberals or must resolve never to speak publicly of their own opinions.
Four days before my expulsion, I resigned, having concluded that I no longer wanted to practice as a full-time barrister. The attempted cancellation prompted the manner and timing of my resignation, but it was not the underlying cause. The only reason that Chambers proceeded to expel me, despite my resignation, was because the salivating attack dogs wanted some red meat to chew. Chambers was compliant enough to jump to their barking but it made no difference to me – save to enhance my reputation as a free speech advocate.
I will now have more time to polemicise against the woke whose contempt for reasoned debate becomes clearer with each attempted cancellation. Thirty years ago, I began my legal career doing pro bono unfair dismissal cases for women sacked for being pregnant. I will now finish my legal career with pro bono unfair dismissal cases for women sacked for saying that a woman does not have a penis. The attempt to cancel me has not and will not work. It merely fortifies me in the fight against cancel culture.
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Democracy cannot function like this
Society needs an honest discussion about the pernicious cancel culture that can be deployed against anyone who expresses conservative and populist ideas. I was in a privileged position. I was self-employed; had I been employed I would probably have been fired years ago. As a professional advocate, I have a better chance of navigating the tripwires laid by the woke to ensnare their prey.
Also, without work I will not be without food or shelter. Because most citizens are not able to tick these boxes, cancel culture is a straitjacket on the free expression of ideas. A democracy cannot function when the protagonists can speak freely whilst the antagonists are muzzled.
The woke may think they are lovely people who just want us all to be nice to one another. But they are not lovely people, as my targeting shows: they are intolerant proselytisers who want to silence those who challenge them. They seek to deploy, not the jackboot of totalitarianism, but the cancel culture of intolerance. In the name of democracy, they must not succeed.
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China is raising its retirement age, now among the youngest in the world’s major economies
Published
3 months agoon
September 14, 2024Starting next year, China will raise its retirement age for workers, which is now among the youngest in the world’s major economies, in an effort to address its shrinking population and aging work force.
The Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress, the country’s legislature, passed the new policy Friday after a sudden announcement earlier in the week that it was reviewing the measure, state broadcaster CCTV announced.
The policy change will be carried out over 15 years, with the retirement age for men raised to 63 years, and for women to 55 or 58 years depending on their jobs. The current retirement age is 60 for men and 50 for women in blue-collar jobs and 55 for women doing white-collar work.
“We have more people coming into the retirement age, and so the pension fund is (facing) high pressure. That’s why I think it’s now time to act seriously,” said Xiujian Peng, a senior research fellow at Victoria University in Australia who studies China’s population and its ties to the economy.
The previous retirement ages were set in the 1950’s, when life expectancy was only around 40 years, Peng said.
The policy will be implemented starting in January, according to the announcement from China’s legislature. The change will take effect progressively based on people’s birthdates.
For example, a man born in January 1971 could retire at the age of 61 years and 7 months in August 2032, according to a chart released along with the policy. A man born in May 1971 could retire at the age of 61 years and 8 months in January 2033.
Demographic pressures made the move long overdue, experts say. By the end of 2023, China counted nearly 300 million people over the age of 60. By 2035, that figure is projected to be 400 million, larger than the population of the U.S. The Chinese Academy of Social Sciences had previously projected that the public pension fund will run out of money by that year.
Pressure on social benefits such as pensions and social security is hardly a China-specific problem. The U.S. also faces the issue as analysis shows that currently, the Social Security fund won’t be able to pay out full benefits to people by 2033.
“This is happening everywhere,” said Yanzhong Huang, senior fellow for global health at the Council on Foreign Relations. “But in China with its large elderly population, the challenge is much larger.”
That is on top of fewer births, as younger people opt out of having children, citing high costs. In 2022, China’s National Bureau of Statistics reported that for the first time the country had 850,000 fewer people at the end of the year than the previous year , a turning point from population growth to decline. In 2023, the population shrank further, by 2 million people.
What that means is that the burden of funding elderly people’s pensions will be divided among a smaller group of younger workers, as pension payments are largely funded by deductions from people who are currently working.
Researchers measure that pressure by looking at a number called the dependency ratio, which counts the number of people over the age of 65 compared to the number of workers under 65. That number was 21.8% in 2022, according to government statistics, meaning that roughly five workers would support one retiree. The percentage is expected to rise, meaning fewer workers will be shouldering the burden of one retiree.
The necessary course correction will cause short-term pain, experts say, coming at a time of already high youth unemployment and a soft economy.
A 52-year-old Beijing resident, who gave his family name as Lu and will now retire at age 61 instead of 60, was positive about the change. “I view this as a good thing, because our society’s getting older, and in developed countries, the retirement age is higher,” he said.
Li Bin, 35, who works in the event planning industry, said she was a bit sad.
“It’s three years less of play time. I had originally planned to travel around after retirement,” she said. But she said it was better than expected because the retirement age was only raised three years for women in white-collar jobs.
Some of the comments on social media when the policy review was announced earlier in the week reflected anxiety.
But of the 13,000 comments on the Xinhua news post announcing the news, only a few dozen were visible, suggesting that many others had been censored.
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Moscow will treat any such attack as coming from the US and its allies directly, Russian President Vladimir Putin said on Thursday, explaining that long-range weapons rely on Western intelligence and targeting solutions, neither of which Ukraine is capable of.
NATO countries would “start an open war” with Russia if they allow Ukraine to use long-range weapons, Nebenzia told the UN Security Council on Friday.
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NEWS
China makes its move in Africa. Should the West be worried?
Published
3 months agoon
September 11, 2024Beijing maintains a conservative economic agenda in its relations with the continent, while finding it increasingly difficult to avoid a political confrontation with the West
The ninth forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) and the FOCAC summit held in Beijing on September 4-6 marked a significant phase in Africa’s relations with its global partners in the post-Covid era. China is the last major partner to hold a summit with African nations following the end of the pandemic; Africa summits were held by the EU and the US in 2022, and by Russia in 2023. The pandemic, coupled with rising global tensions, macroeconomic shifts, and a series of crises, underlined Africa’s growing role in the global economy and politics – something that China, which has undergone major changes (both internal and external) as a result of the pandemic, is well aware of.
It is clear that the relationship between China and Africa is entering a new phase. China is no longer just a preferential economic partner for Africa, as it had been in the first two decades of the 21st century. It has become a key political and military ally for many African countries. This is evident from China’s increasing role in training African civil servants and sharing expertise with them, as well as from several initiatives announced at the summit, including military-technical cooperation: officer training programs, mine clearing efforts, and over $100 million which China will provide to support the armed forces of African nations.
In the political arena, however, Beijing is proceeding very cautiously and the above-mentioned initiatives should be seen as the first tentative attempts rather than a systematic strategy.
While China strives to avoid political confrontation with the West in Africa and even closely cooperates with it on certain issues, it is becoming increasingly difficult to do so. Washington is determined to pursue a policy of confrontation with Beijing in Africa – this is evident both from US rhetoric and its strategic documents.
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A “divorce” between China and the West is almost inevitable. This means that Chinese companies may lose contracts with Western corporations and won’t have access to transportation and logistics infrastructure. Consequently, China will need to develop its own comprehensive approach to Africa, either independently or in collaboration with other global power centers.
An important sign of the growing confrontation between the US and China in Africa was the signing of a trilateral memorandum of understanding between China, Tanzania, and Zambia regarding the reconstruction of the Tanzania-Zambia Railway (TAZARA), which was originally built by China in the 1970s. If it is expanded, electrified, and modernized, TAZARA has the potential to become a viable alternative to one of the key US investment projects in the region: the Lobito Corridor, which aims to enhance logistics infrastructure for exporting minerals (copper and cobalt) from the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Zambia by modernizing the railway from the DR Congo to the Angolan port of Lobito.
In inland regions such as Eastern Congo, transportation infrastructure plays a crucial role in the process of mineral extraction. Considering the region’s shortage of rail and road networks, even a single non-electrified railway line leading to a port in the Atlantic or Indian Ocean can significantly boost the operation of the mining sector and permanently tie the extraction and processing regions to specific markets.
It appears that China’s initiative holds greater promise compared to the US one, particularly because Chinese companies control major mines both in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Zambia. This gives them a clear advantage in working with Chinese operators and equipment, facilitating the export of minerals through East African ports. Overall, this indicates that East Africa will maintain its role as the economic leader on the continent and one of the most integrated and rapidly developing regions for imports.
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The highlight of the summit was China’s pledge to provide $50 billion to African countries over the next three years (by 2027). This figure echoes the $55 billion commitment to China made by the US (for 3 years) at the 2022 US-Africa Summit and the $170 billion that the EU promised to provide over seven years back in 2021. Consequently, leading global players allocate approximately $15-20 billion annually to Africa.
In recent years, there has been noticeable growth in such promises. Nearly every nation is eager to promise Africa something – for example, Italy has pledged $1 billion annually. However, these large packages of so-called “financial aid” often have little in common with actual assistance, since they are typically commercial loans or corporate investments. Moreover, a significant portion of these funds is spent in the donor countries (e.g. on the procurement and production of goods), which means that they contribute to the economic growth of African nations in a minimal way.
As for China, it will provide about $11 billion in genuine aid. This is a substantial amount which will be used for developing healthcare and agriculture in Africa. Another $30 billion will come in the form of loans (roughly $10 billion per year) and a further $10 billion as investments.
The overall financial framework allows us to make certain conclusions, though it’s important to note that the methodology for calculating these figures is unclear, and the line between loans, humanitarian aid, and investments remains blurred. In terms of investments (averaging around $3 billion per year), Beijing plans to maintain its previous levels of activity – in recent years, China’s foreign direct investments (FDI) have ranged from $2 billion to $5 billion annually. Financial and humanitarian aid could nearly double (from the current $1.5 billion-$2 billion per year) while lending is expected to return to pre-pandemic levels (which would still be below the peak years of 2012-2018).
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China’s economic plan for Africa seems to be quite conservative. It’s no surprise that debt issues took center stage during the summit. During the Covid-19 pandemic, macroeconomic stability in African countries deteriorated, which led to challenges in debt repayments and forced Africa to initiate debt restructuring processes assisted by the IMF and the G20. Starting in 2020, a combination of internal and external factors led China to significantly cut its lending to African countries – from about $10-15 billion down to $2-3 billion. This reduction in funding has triggered economic reforms in several African countries (e.g. Ghana, Kenya, and Nigeria), which have shifted toward stricter tax and monetary policies. While promises to increase lending may seem like good news for African nations, it’s likely that much of this funding will go toward interest payments on existing obligations and debt restructuring, since China wants to ensure that its loans are repaid.
Despite China’s cautious approach to Africa, its interaction with the continent will develop as a result of external and internal changes affecting both Africa and China. Africa will gradually become more industrialized and will reduce imports while the demand for investments and local production will increase. China will face demographic challenges, and its workforce will decrease. This may encourage bilateral cooperation as some production facilities may move from China to Africa. This will most likely concern East African countries such as Ethiopia and Tanzania, considering China’s current investments in their energy and transportation infrastructure. Additionally, with Africa’s population on the rise and China’s population declining, Beijing is expected to attract more African migrant workers to help address labor shortages.
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