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Appeals to bring more young Russians to US as ‘soft power’ tool could backfire, there’s no guarantee they will like what they see

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High profile American activists, such as former Ambassador to Moscow Michael McFaul, want more young Russians to get a taste of life in the US. Experience shows that such a move may not lead to the results they desire.

I once communicated with a young journalist from a well-known Russian newspaper who had received his undergraduate degree at a good, and very expensive, university in the United States.

He ticked all the boxes of your prototypical pro-Western, anti-Putin Russian: a young, intelligent member of the professional ‘creative classes’, with an American education to boot. It came as a bit of shock, then, when he emailed me one day to say that he’d gone to Ukraine to join the rebel militia of the Donetsk People’s Republic. It seems that you can’t tell what effect a foreign education will have on somebody.

Ever since Joe Biden won the presidential election in the United States, we’ve seen a flurry of articles making recommendations about how the new administration should deal with Russia. While details vary, the overall direction is generally the same: exert more pressure on the Russians. And then somewhere near the end, the authors chuck in some nice sounding stuff, urging that America stretches out a hand to ordinary Russians by making it easier for them to come and study in the United States.

Typical of this genre is an article in Foreign Affairs magazine by the former US Ambassador to Moscow Michael McFaul. After many pages urging a series of tough measures against the Russian Federation, McFaul says that “Biden’s team should come up with new ways to grow these ties [with ordinary Russians] even over Putin’s objections. In the long run, forging and sustaining links with Russian society will undermine anti-American propaganda as well as American stereotypes about Russia.”

To this, McFaul adds that, “The new administration should make it easier for Russians to study in and travel to the United States,” and urges European states to do the same.

One can see the logic here. Russians will come to the USA, and be wowed by its obvious superiority. They will then go back home and demand that their own country be turned into a carbon copy of America.

But as my rebel-supporting journalist shows, it’s not that simple. History provides many examples.

In the nineteenth century, the Slavophiles broke with the Westernizers and demanded that Russia find its own unique path of development. Yet they were highly Westernized people, who had often received part of their education in Western Europe.

For instance, one of the most important Slavophiles, Alexei Khomiakov, greatly admired the English, and invented a steam engine which he displayed at the Great Exhibition in London in 1851. He referred to the West as ‘the land of holy wonders’. But none of that made him any less of a Slavophile.

Likewise, Khomiakov’s colleague Ivan Kireevsky studied at university in Berlin, where he attended lectures by the famous philosopher Friedrich Schelling. But that didn’t make him any less of a Slavophile either.

One can see similar experiences in the lives of other famous Russians. A case in point is Konstantin Pobedonostsev, who taught and advised Tsars Alexander III and Nicholas II. Pobedonostsev is considered the arch-conservative of arch-conservatives, the very epitome of late Imperial reaction. But he traveled regularly to Europe, was deeply versed in European culture, and spoke German, French, English, Latin, Italian, Czech, and Polish.

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Exposure to the West doesn’t therefore necessarily turn Russians into liberals who think that what their country needs is nothing other than to align its interests with those of its Western rivals. For at the end of the day, they remain Russians, with a sense of Russian national interests, and a belief that what works in the West may not work in Russia.

One can see examples of this in our own time. The head of RT, Margarita Simonyan, for instance, attended high school in the USA. Speaking recently on the TV show Evening with Vladimir Solovyov, she remarked that what this experience taught her was that America was much more of a police state than Russia. This is probably not the result that McFaul had in mind when promoting the idea of cultural exchanges.

Vladimir Solovyov is another example. The TV talk show host lived and worked in the US in the early 1990s. He then came back to Russia and became what he is today – an outspoken critic of the West, and of the United States in particular. Again, one imagines that this isn’t the effect McFaul is looking for.

This does not mean that everybody who travels to America ends up the same way. Far from it. But in the same way, every American who travels to Russia doesn’t end up hating the place either. Cultural exchanges go both ways. If America opens its doors to Russians, Russia will open its doors to Americans. The Russian government has long made it clear that it has absolutely no objection to deeper cultural ties, and that if the US and other states relax their visa requirements for Russians, Russia will reciprocate. Thus if McFaul has his way, we would see more Americans in Russia, and it’s quite possible that a lot of them would end up liking the place and deciding that America’s hostility toward Russia is unjustified. Again, one suspects that this isn’t quite what McFaul hopes to achieve.

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In any case, McFaul’s strategy is based on a misreading of the Soviet experience. The people who brought down the Soviet Union didn’t do so because they’d been given a Western education. In fact, the Soviets didn’t let most of them out of the country. In a way, it was precisely their lack of knowledge of the West that led them to idealize it so much. Once they’d had a bit of exposure, they suddenly became rather disillusioned.

Meanwhile, today, the differences between Russia and the West are much less than they were 30 years ago. The kind of Russian who’s likely to go to university in America probably already lives a lifestyle not so very different to the Americans he or she will meet. The ‘wow’ factor just isn’t as great any more.

None of this means that cultural exchanges are not a good thing. They are. McFaul is right to suggest that Western states make it easier for Russians to travel and study in their countries. This will have the added advantage of making it easier for their own citizens to travel and study in Russia. It’s a win-win policy. But it would be a mistake to view cultural exchanges as a political tool. That’s not what they should be for, and it’s not at all obvious that they produce the desired political effect anyway.

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China is raising its retirement age, now among the youngest in the world’s major economies

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Starting next year, China will raise its retirement age for workers, which is now among the youngest in the world’s major economies, in an effort to address its shrinking population and aging work force.

The Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress, the country’s legislature, passed the new policy Friday after a sudden announcement earlier in the week that it was reviewing the measure, state broadcaster CCTV announced.

The policy change will be carried out over 15 years, with the retirement age for men raised to 63 years, and for women to 55 or 58 years depending on their jobs. The current retirement age is 60 for men and 50 for women in blue-collar jobs and 55 for women doing white-collar work.

“We have more people coming into the retirement age, and so the pension fund is (facing) high pressure. That’s why I think it’s now time to act seriously,” said Xiujian Peng, a senior research fellow at Victoria University in Australia who studies China’s population and its ties to the economy.

The previous retirement ages were set in the 1950’s, when life expectancy was only around 40 years, Peng said.

The policy will be implemented starting in January, according to the announcement from China’s legislature. The change will take effect progressively based on people’s birthdates.

For example, a man born in January 1971 could retire at the age of 61 years and 7 months in August 2032, according to a chart released along with the policy. A man born in May 1971 could retire at the age of 61 years and 8 months in January 2033.

Demographic pressures made the move long overdue, experts say. By the end of 2023, China counted nearly 300 million people over the age of 60. By 2035, that figure is projected to be 400 million, larger than the population of the U.S. The Chinese Academy of Social Sciences had previously projected that the public pension fund will run out of money by that year.

Pressure on social benefits such as pensions and social security is hardly a China-specific problem. The U.S. also faces the issue as analysis shows that currently, the Social Security fund won’t be able to pay out full benefits to people by 2033.

“This is happening everywhere,” said Yanzhong Huang, senior fellow for global health at the Council on Foreign Relations. “But in China with its large elderly population, the challenge is much larger.”

That is on top of fewer births, as younger people opt out of having children, citing high costs. In 2022, China’s National Bureau of Statistics reported that for the first time the country had 850,000 fewer people at the end of the year than the previous year , a turning point from population growth to decline. In 2023, the population shrank further, by 2 million people.

What that means is that the burden of funding elderly people’s pensions will be divided among a smaller group of younger workers, as pension payments are largely funded by deductions from people who are currently working.

Researchers measure that pressure by looking at a number called the dependency ratio, which counts the number of people over the age of 65 compared to the number of workers under 65. That number was 21.8% in 2022, according to government statistics, meaning that roughly five workers would support one retiree. The percentage is expected to rise, meaning fewer workers will be shouldering the burden of one retiree.

The necessary course correction will cause short-term pain, experts say, coming at a time of already high youth unemployment and a soft economy.

A 52-year-old Beijing resident, who gave his family name as Lu and will now retire at age 61 instead of 60, was positive about the change. “I view this as a good thing, because our society’s getting older, and in developed countries, the retirement age is higher,” he said.

Li Bin, 35, who works in the event planning industry, said she was a bit sad.

“It’s three years less of play time. I had originally planned to travel around after retirement,” she said. But she said it was better than expected because the retirement age was only raised three years for women in white-collar jobs.

Some of the comments on social media when the policy review was announced earlier in the week reflected anxiety.

But of the 13,000 comments on the Xinhua news post announcing the news, only a few dozen were visible, suggesting that many others had been censored.

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Russia warns NATO of ‘direct war’ over Ukraine

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Moscow’s envoy to the UN has reiterated where the Kremlin’s red line is

Granting Kiev permission to use Western-supplied long-range weapons would constitute direct involvement in the Ukraine conflict by NATO, Russia’s envoy to the UN, Vassily Nebenzia, has said.

Moscow will treat any such attack as coming from the US and its allies directly, Russian President Vladimir Putin said on Thursday, explaining that long-range weapons rely on Western intelligence and targeting solutions, neither of which Ukraine is capable of.

NATO countries would “start an open war” with Russia if they allow Ukraine to use long-range weapons, Nebenzia told the UN Security Council on Friday.

“If such a decision is made, that means NATO countries are starting an open war against Russia,” Moscow’s envoy said. “In that case, we will obviously be forced to make certain decisions, with all the attendant consequences for Western aggressors.”

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“Our Western colleagues will not be able to dodge responsibility and blame Kiev for everything,” Nebenzia added. “Only NATO troops can program the flight solutions for those missile systems. Ukraine doesn’t have that capability. This is not about allowing Kiev to strike Russia with long-range weapons, but about the West making the targeting decisions.”

Russia considers it irrelevant that Ukrainian nationalists would technically be the ones pulling the trigger, Nebenzia explained. “NATO would become directly involved in military action against a nuclear power. I don’t think I have to explain what consequences that would have,” he said.

The US and its allies placed some restrictions on the use of their weapons, so they could claim not to be directly involved in the conflict with Russia, while arming Ukraine to the tune of $200 billion.

Multiple Western outlets have reported that the limitations might be lifted this week, as US Secretary of State Antony Blinken and British Foreign Secretary David Lammy visited Kiev. Russia has repeatedly warned the West against such a course of action.

 

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China makes its move in Africa. Should the West be worried?

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Beijing maintains a conservative economic agenda in its relations with the continent, while finding it increasingly difficult to avoid a political confrontation with the West

The ninth forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) and the FOCAC summit held in Beijing on September 4-6 marked a significant phase in Africa’s relations with its global partners in the post-Covid era. China is the last major partner to hold a summit with African nations following the end of the pandemic; Africa summits were held by the EU and the US in 2022, and by Russia in 2023. The pandemic, coupled with rising global tensions, macroeconomic shifts, and a series of crises, underlined Africa’s growing role in the global economy and politics – something that China, which has undergone major changes (both internal and external) as a result of the pandemic, is well aware of.

It is clear that the relationship between China and Africa is entering a new phase. China is no longer just a preferential economic partner for Africa, as it had been in the first two decades of the 21st century. It has become a key political and military ally for many African countries. This is evident from China’s increasing role in training African civil servants and sharing expertise with them, as well as from several initiatives announced at the summit, including military-technical cooperation: officer training programs, mine clearing efforts, and over $100 million which China will provide to support the armed forces of African nations.

In the political arena, however, Beijing is proceeding very cautiously and the above-mentioned initiatives should be seen as the first tentative attempts rather than a systematic strategy.

While China strives to avoid political confrontation with the West in Africa and even closely cooperates with it on certain issues, it is becoming increasingly difficult to do so. Washington is determined to pursue a policy of confrontation with Beijing in Africa – this is evident both from US rhetoric and its strategic documents.

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A “divorce” between China and the West is almost inevitable. This means that Chinese companies may lose contracts with Western corporations and won’t have access to transportation and logistics infrastructure. Consequently, China will need to develop its own comprehensive approach to Africa, either independently or in collaboration with other global power centers.

An important sign of the growing confrontation between the US and China in Africa was the signing of a trilateral memorandum of understanding between China, Tanzania, and Zambia regarding the reconstruction of the Tanzania-Zambia Railway (TAZARA), which was originally built by China in the 1970s. If it is expanded, electrified, and modernized, TAZARA has the potential to become a viable alternative to one of the key US investment projects in the region: the Lobito Corridor, which aims to enhance logistics infrastructure for exporting minerals (copper and cobalt) from the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Zambia by modernizing the railway from the DR Congo to the Angolan port of Lobito.

In inland regions such as Eastern Congo, transportation infrastructure plays a crucial role in the process of mineral extraction. Considering the region’s shortage of rail and road networks, even a single non-electrified railway line leading to a port in the Atlantic or Indian Ocean can significantly boost the operation of the mining sector and permanently tie the extraction and processing regions to specific markets.

It appears that China’s initiative holds greater promise compared to the US one, particularly because Chinese companies control major mines both in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Zambia. This gives them a clear advantage in working with Chinese operators and equipment, facilitating the export of minerals through East African ports. Overall, this indicates that East Africa will maintain its role as the economic leader on the continent and one of the most integrated and rapidly developing regions for imports.

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The highlight of the summit was China’s pledge to provide $50 billion to African countries over the next three years (by 2027). This figure echoes the $55 billion commitment to China made by the US (for 3 years) at the 2022 US-Africa Summit and the $170 billion that the EU promised to provide over seven years back in 2021. Consequently, leading global players allocate approximately $15-20 billion annually to Africa.

In recent years, there has been noticeable growth in such promises. Nearly every nation is eager to promise Africa something – for example, Italy has pledged $1 billion annually. However, these large packages of so-called “financial aid” often have little in common with actual assistance, since they are typically commercial loans or corporate investments. Moreover, a significant portion of these funds is spent in the donor countries (e.g. on the procurement and production of goods), which means that they contribute to the economic growth of African nations in a minimal way.

As for China, it will provide about $11 billion in genuine aid. This is a substantial amount which will be used for developing healthcare and agriculture in Africa. Another $30 billion will come in the form of loans (roughly $10 billion per year) and a further $10 billion as investments.

The overall financial framework allows us to make certain conclusions, though it’s important to note that the methodology for calculating these figures is unclear, and the line between loans, humanitarian aid, and investments remains blurred. In terms of investments (averaging around $3 billion per year), Beijing plans to maintain its previous levels of activity – in recent years, China’s foreign direct investments (FDI) have ranged from $2 billion to $5 billion annually. Financial and humanitarian aid could nearly double (from the current $1.5 billion-$2 billion per year) while lending is expected to return to pre-pandemic levels (which would still be below the peak years of 2012-2018).

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China’s economic plan for Africa seems to be quite conservative. It’s no surprise that debt issues took center stage during the summit. During the Covid-19 pandemic, macroeconomic stability in African countries deteriorated, which led to challenges in debt repayments and forced Africa to initiate debt restructuring processes assisted by the IMF and the G20. Starting in 2020, a combination of internal and external factors led China to significantly cut its lending to African countries – from about $10-15 billion down to $2-3 billion. This reduction in funding has triggered economic reforms in several African countries (e.g. Ghana, Kenya, and Nigeria), which have shifted toward stricter tax and monetary policies. While promises to increase lending may seem like good news for African nations, it’s likely that much of this funding will go toward interest payments on existing obligations and debt restructuring, since China wants to ensure that its loans are repaid.

Despite China’s cautious approach to Africa, its interaction with the continent will develop as a result of external and internal changes affecting both Africa and China. Africa will gradually become more industrialized and will reduce imports while the demand for investments and local production will increase. China will face demographic challenges, and its workforce will decrease. This may encourage bilateral cooperation as some production facilities may move from China to Africa. This will most likely concern East African countries such as Ethiopia and Tanzania, considering China’s current investments in their energy and transportation infrastructure. Additionally, with Africa’s population on the rise and China’s population declining, Beijing is expected to attract more African migrant workers to help address labor shortages.

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